Undetermined Month

"Letter to the Comintern by the Representative of the Proletarian Party of America," by Dennis E. Batt. [First half of 1921] Dennis Batt, former member of the National Left Wing Council, was the Executive Secretary of the PPA at the time this letter to the CI was written. In it he asks for a ruling on the PPA's application for affiliation. Batt offers an analysis of the American situation startlingly close to the actual course of events: an explicit statement that "America has not been, is not, and will not be for a considerable time on the verge of revolution" and a strong recommendation that revolutionary rhetoric be terminated. He also advocated the immediate formation of "an organization that functions openly and propagates Communism as far as that is possible... This open organization should be controlled by the underground movement and would function as a recruiting ground for same." The letter was fully translated into Russian and may well have played some role in decision to move forward with the parallel legal-WPA/underground-CPA structure that emerged in the winter of 1921.

"Hillquit Repeats His Error," by Max Eastman [Jan. 1921] In the fall of 1920, Morris Hillquit responded to Max Eastman's article entitled "Hillquit Excommunicates the Soviet," which drew this additional lengthy round of polemical prose from The Liberator's editor. Eastman accuses Hillquit of failing to accurately know or to accurately state the position of the Left Wing. "The essential point of the Communist position, in contrast to the position of the 'Centrists,' is its absolute and realistic belief in the theory of the class struggle, and the theory that all public institutions -- whether alleged to be democratic or not -- will prove upon every critical occasion to be weapons in the hands of the capitalist class," Hillquit declares. All of Hillquit's errors are held by Eastman to flow from this fundamental blunder. Eastman also upbraids Hillquit for failure to read and contemplate the writings of the Socialist Party's Left Wing, which predated by years the Russian Revolution. The revolutionary Socialist perspective of the Communists is in no way "new," as Hillquit claims, but rather a restatement of long-existing Marxian tenants. "The actual experience of a successful revolution has only confirmed the opinions of the revolutionary or thoroughgoing Marxian factions in all the Socialist parties of the world. It is transforming these factions from weak and seemingly 'academic' minorities into powerful and active majorities everywhere," Eastman asserts. While Hillquit claims the Bolsheviks are both "dogmatic" and "opportunistic," Eastman characterizes them as highly principled and unwilling to water down their revolutionary doctrine, but conscious that they are engaged in hand-to-hand combat with capitalism and thus willing to "grab every advantage, every probability of defeating the enemy" that comes to mind. Eastman then returns to the question of the Soviets v. the Constituent Assembly in Russia, arguing convincingly the long time theoretical support of the Bolsheviks for the institution of the Soviets and attempting to force Hillquit to "lay aside all his pride of authority and acknowledge that he was flatly and absolutely wrong" in asserting that the Bolsheviks' support of the institution of the Soviets was hastily and opportunistically put forward only when they had won a majority in the All-Russian Congress of Soviets.

"Minutes of the Special 2nd Convention of the United Communist Party of America: Kingston, NY -- Dec. 24, 1920 to Jan. 2, 1921." Despite pseudonyms and secrecy, the Bureau of Investigation of the United States Department of Justice still managed to obtain a seat at the convention, when their confidential informant, Pittsburgh District Organizer "Ryan" was elected a delegate. This connection enabled to DoJ to obtain a copy of the secret minutes of the gathering, which were preserved in DoJ files. These minutes are published for the first time here. The Credentials Committee approved the credentials of 42 delegates, representing a paid membership of 5,801 spread across the 9 geographic districts of the UCP. The minutes indicate a very democratic debate over the organization's program and new constitution, with parliamentary procedure employed and motions made from the floor. Tactics with respect to party members also in the the Finnish Socialist Federation, which was unhappy with the Socialist Party and headed for a split. A financial statement for November 1920 showed a positive balance of accounts for the month, powered by over $5,000 in "special donations." A heavy Midwestern geographic presence is indicated in the financial report to the convention, which showed over 1750 of the 3200 UCP dues stamps sold in November 1920 coming from the Chicago and Cleveland districts alone. By way of contrast, fewer than 100 stamps were sold to the organization's three westernmost districts, combined.

"The Young Communist League of America: Resolution Adopted by the 2nd Convention of the United Communist Party, Kingston, NY -- January 1921." The 2nd Convention of the UCP for the first time set in motion the establishment of a formal Communist youth organization in the United States. This is the text of the Convention Resolution which established the "Young Communist League, Section of the Young Communist International." The resolution stated that "The Party shall recognize the importance of a young people's movement. It is the duty of the Party to prepare them with all the means at its disposal. An intensive cooperation between both organizations is an absolute necessity." To this end financial support and organizational effort by the organizations District Organizers was pledged, space in the official organ committed to youth matters, and literature planned. An additional legal organization "to carry on the legal work of the Young Communist League of America" and to provide "education, recreational, and social facilities" was called for in the resolution, presaging the establishment of a parallel Workers Party of America and Young Workers League in 1922.

"The Comintern and IWW Bail Reimbursement," by Ralph Chaplin [events of Dec. 24, 1920-Jan. 2, 1921]  Rare participant's memoir of the secret 2nd Convention of the United Communist Party of America, held at a farmhouse near Kingston, New York from Dec. 24, 1920 to Jan. 2, 1921. IWW activist Ralph Chaplin was given the task of receiving financial reimbursement promised by Soviet Russia for those who lost money in the bail forfeiture associated with Big Bill Haywood's defection. Although not himself a true believer in the Communist vision -- in contrast to several of his IWW fellow workers such as Haywood, George Andreytchine, Charles Ashleigh, and Harrison George -- Chaplin nevertheless joined the UCP in order to attend the secret convention with a view receiving diamonds smuggled from Soviet Russia. The jewels were lost when John Reed was arrested and jailed at the Finnish border and Chaplin's mission was unsuccessful. Despite his failure, Chaplin did leave us with one of the only accounts of the Kingston convention -- reproduced in full here. Includes copious footnotes by Tim Davenport clarifying and correcting Chaplin's account, which was written more than a quarter century after the fact.

 

"Fourth Statement on Unity Proceedings," by Charles Dirba [Jan. 5, 1921] The last of four typeset leaflets prepared for the rank and file of the Communist Party of America detailing the status of unity negotiations with the rival United Communist Party. Dirba notes that the CI's deadline for unity has passed without action and that "the responsibility for this lies entirely upon the UCP. They have refused and they still refuse to abide by the decisions of the Comintern providing for a joint unity convention on the basis of proportional representation." Includes text of (1) UCP to CPA, Dec. 18 (very lengthy reply to the CPA's challenge to supply specifics to back up its charges of systematic membership manipulation. While its citation of external estimates of CPA membership strength in various cities is not compelling, its specific charges of inflation of the Lithuanian Federation membership by including participants in legal work as members of the underground organization, though only nominally organized as such, seems to have merit. The additional point seems well taken that the ceaseless torrent of epithets slung by the CPA toward the CLP and UCP has undermined unity efforts. "Your slanderous and unscrupulous attack upon the UCP, which you have made through your official papers and through your paid organizers trying to poison the minds of the membership by shouting 'centrists' and 'provocateurs,' belie your present protestations of the unity spirit," the UCP declares.); (2) CPA to UCP, Dec. 22 (insistence upon CI's terms for unity and declaration that the UCP's failure to accept these terms constituted a "breach of discipline and a flagrant violation of the mandate of the CI."); (3) UCP Convention to CPA, circa Dec. 24 (convention invitation of the CPA to attend a joint unity convention based upon equal representation of the parties, with not more than 25 delegates per side due to security reasons); (4) CPA to UCP Convention, circa Dec. 25 (rejection of proposed Unity Convention based on equal representation with reiteration that only the proportional representation plan of the CI was possible. Bringing this matter before the UCP Kingston Convention is urged); (5) UCP Convention to CPA, circa Dec. 26 (repetition of the "concession" to hold a convention with equal representation; request that the CEC of the CPA immediate convene its elected convention delegates to consider this offer); (6) CPA to UCP, circa Dec. 27 (rejection of convention based upon equal participation, reiteration of Comintern guidelines); (7) UCP Convention to CPA, circa Dec. 28 (request to distribute a letter to each individual convention delegate detailing the UCP's offer for a joint convention with 25 delegates per side); (8) CPA to UCP Convention, circa Dec. 31 (flat rejection to "submit your outrageous statement to our delegates individually" and statement that "the United Communist Party must obey the mandate of the Communist International.")

 

"BoI Informant's Undercover Report of the UCP Legal Defense Convention, Chicago," by "Mike Benton" [event of Jan. 9-10, 1921] The Department of Justice's Bureau of Investigation (forerunner of the FBI) managed to infiltrate the underground Communist movement with a small handful of secret informants, including "Mike Benton" from Mason City, Iowa -- previously employed as a labor spy for one of the city's brickmaking firms. On Jan. 9, 1921, "Benton" traveled to Chicago with leading Mason City radical Harry Keas, where he attended a convention of the United Communist Party's legal defense organization, the National Defense Committee. Sixty-three delegates from all over the United States and Canada were in attendance, according to "Benton," attending a marathon 13-hour session held in an inconspicuous hall attached to a saloon located at 228 W Oak Street. "Benton" notes that the various UCP leaders are "hard-boiled fellow that have been revolutionaries for the last 15 or 20 years, most of them have been indicted and some of them have got good beatings, been in jail serving sentence, and some will be tried in the future. They are all getting more radical every day. They are not working as openly as they used to do and all this radical propaganda is going to be handled through underground work." "Benton" frantically warns his government handlers that "If the radicals are let alone with their propaganda for a couple of years we will have a mighty hard task to deal with them because they take men like William Z. Foster, National Secretary of the Steel Workers Union. He is just about to unite with the UCP. If he does he will pull over about 150,000 union members and with them and then the United Miners of America next."

"Open Letter to the Central Executive Committee of the CPA, Jan. 11, 1921" by Maximilian Cohen. Outvoted on the Central Executive Committee of the CPA by a majority who paid little heed to the Comintern's directive to unite with the United Communist Party by Jan. 1, 1921, Maximilian Cohen issued this aggressive challenge to the CEC's line regarding unity, which he viewed as being intent on "crushing" the rival Communist organization. Instead of printing this letter in the party press and opening its pages to a debate of the issue, as Cohen requested, the CEC majority instead initiated expulsion proceedings against him. This strong pro-unity critique of CPA policy is interesting both as an analysis of the politics of Communist unity in 1920-21 and as an object lesson of the limits of intraparty dissent within the old CPA.

"Notice of a Hearing of Expulsion for Maximilian Cohen in New York from Charles Dirba, Executive Sec. CPA, Jan. 12, 1921." One of the most outspoken pro-unity figures in the Communist Party of America was New York dentist Maximilian Cohen. Cohen's outspoken opposition to the policy of delay and obfuscation practiced by the majority of the Central Executive Committee brought about a disciplinary attack. Charges were preferred against Cohen, who was accused of having addressed a party meeting and charged the CEC was suppressing unity communications, censoring the flow of information to the membership about its actions, maintaining a black list of pro-unity members, and stating that the CEC majority was intent upon smashing the rival United Communist Party of America. A meeting was scheduled to hear the case against Cohen the next evening.

 

"Letter to the Executive Committee of the Communist International in Moscow from Alfred Wagenknecht, Executive Secretary of the United Communist Party in New York, Jan. 12, 1921." This document was obtained by the Department of Justice in the April 29, 1921 raid on the national headquarters of the United Communist Party in New York. After obtaining it, there could have been little doubt about the organization's actual Comintern funding situation for the year. The document is the form of a report from two CLP/UCP delegates to the 2nd Convention, Alexander Bilan and Edward Lindgren. The two recount the official request for appropriation from the CI for the American movement ($210,000), which was reduced by the Small Bureau of ECCI to $110,000. This sum was to be divided as follows: $25,000 for general organizational work, $25,000 for defense (prisoner bail and legal fees), $25,000 for literature publication, $25,000 towards establishment of a daily English-language newspaper, and $10,000 for IWW defense. Of this $110,000 budgeted sum for the coming year until the next world Congress, $25,000 had been granted as an emergency appropriation to stem the UCP's "urgent need for money." This $25,000 had been readied in the form of gold; this had been "taken away" from Bilan and Lindgren at the last minute by a sub-committee of the Small Bureau, however, and turned over to a Comrade Matsen from Norway, who was to be in charge of getting the gold through the Allied blockade of Soviet Russia. However, "careless handling" of the gold had led to its loss by Matsen. Bilan and Lindgren reiterated that they took no responsibility for the loss of the first UCP appropriation for 1920-21, the mistake being one made by Matsen. Thus the reality of "Moscow Gold" and the United Communist Party of America as of Jan. 12, 1921: $110,000 budgeted, $25,000 appropriated, $0 delivered. And the Department of Justice's Bureau of Investigation knew this fact from this internal document no later than May 1921.

 

"Report of Hungarian Organizer," by J. Burok" [January 12, 1921] In October of 1920, the United Communist Party and the legal Hungarian-language Communist paper Elöre sent organizer J. Burok on the road to firm up connections for distribution of the Hungarian language press and to establish groups for the underground UCP. Burok established a total of 15 groups during his 11 1/2 week mission -- 5 in Pittsburgh, 4 in Chicago, 2 in Detroit, and 1 each in Cleveland, Newark, Milwaukee, and West Pullman, IL. This is the report which Burok wrote upon completion of his task. The document was originally composed in Hungarian but was seized by the Department of Justice in the April 29, 1921 raid on the New York apartment of Helen Ware (the Lindgren/Jakira/Amter case). The Federal agents translated the document into English and preserved it in their archives, thus preserving the information for future historians. Burok complains that existing branches of another left wing membership organization, the American Hungarian Workers Federation, reduced the number of groups he was able to form -- the cost of monthly dues to both organizations being prohibitive. Burok recommended a drastic reduction of the UCP dues rate for members of such organizations.

 

"Circular Letter on the Closing of the Chicago Office of the Soviet Russia Medical Relief Committee from Charles L. Drake." [Jan. 15, 1921] The Soviet Russia Medical Relief Committee was the medical relief arm of the Communist-directed Friends of Soviet Russia organization. The group worked hand in glove with the Russian Soviet Government Bureau headed by Ludwig Martens, which served as the official purchasing agent for the fundraising organization. Undercover investigation by the Department of Justice's Bureau of Investigation assured that authorities were well apprised of bitter criticism in the radical community of the ethics and accounting practices of Soviet Russia Medical Relief, charges levied with particular vehemence by the Anarchist-dominated Russian radical movement of the Detroit area. While the BoI believed that the "American Red Star League" organization which emerged in early 1921 was a parallel organization initiated as in response to the improprieties of the Soviet Russian Medical Relief Committee headed by A.M. Rovin and Boris Roustam-Bek, this document reveals an altogether different origin. Rather than an insurgent parallel organization motivated by accountability and fiscal reform, the Red Star League had its roots in the sudden decision of the New York main office to terminate its Chicago, headed by attorney Charles L. Drake. With the deportation of Martens and the shuttering of the Soviet Bureau clearing in the offing, the Soviet Medical Relief organization saw itself as left with no means of transporting its sanitary and medical supplies to Soviet Russia. The determination to shutter the Western Office was abrupt -- two days before Christmas a letter was sent by Secretary Joseph Michael to Drake in Chicago (reprinted here) instructing him to immediately terminate all engagements and close the office. Drake obtained an extension of this deadline to Friday, Jan. 15, 1921, which was the final day of operation of the Western Office of the Soviet Russia Medical Relief Committee. The American Red Star League seems to have been launched immediately thereafter, using the same physical office space being abandoned and with Drake taking on the role of Secretary and guiding figure of the new medical relief fundraising organization.

 

"Financial Report, Soviet Russia Medical Relief Committee, Western District," by Charles L. Drake [Jan. 15, 1921] This report by Director Charles Drake closes the book on the 4-1/2 month tenure of the Chicago office of the Soviet Russia Medical Relief Committee. The accounts presented here show the receipt of over $24,500, which was offset by about $14,000 in office, travel, salary, and other fundraising expenses. $9600 had been sent to New York to support the Society's work, while over $800 remained on account at the time of the Chicago office's Jan. 15, 1921 termination. The discontinuance of the Western Office comes at a time when the heaviest financial drain was being made for organization, and before opportunity has been given to reap the benefits that would more than justify the expenditures. Thousands and thousands of dollars would come in from the preparatory work already done were this office open to receive it. Those who know even the slightest about the collection of funds on a large scale will heartily appreciate the great financial results accomplished, especially those cognizant of the immense obstacles to be overcome. Systematized sabotage and organized antagonism maliciously opposed the work from the start -- elements that would stop at nothing to destroy the work and prevent even the slightest relief reaching the dying women and children of Soviet Russia," Drake asserts.

 

Letter from Arnold Petersen to N. Lenin, January 15, 1921. Text of a massive (26 page) letter from the National Secretary of the Socialist Labor Party to V.I. Ul'ianov (N. Lenin) in Russia from a copy in the Comintern archive. As might be expected, Petersen is harshly critical of all other groups in the American left -- the Socialist Party of America (reformist practitioners of a "species of fraud"), the Communist Parties ("Burlesque Bolsheviki" with a "predilection for repeating meaningless and undefined phrases because of their 'revolutionary' sound"), the IWW ("infested with police spies" and "in a state of decay"), and the AF of L ("officered by agents of the bourgeoisie"). Petersen defiantly defends the SLP's dual unionism and militant hostility against the AF of L ("there is not the slightest reason to believe that any outside influence, however powerful, is going to make the SLP throw away the fruits of its toil of a quarter of a century") as well as the use of the ballot as the main mechanism for revolutionary change ("not everything that has arisen during capitalism is a sham and a delusion"). Regardless of these differences, Petersen calls the existence of the Soviet Republic an "inspiration" and pledges that the SLP will do its utmost to bring about a revolutionary industrial republic in the United States.

 

"Minutes of the Central Executive Committee, Communist Party of America: New York City -- Jan. 11-16, 1921." The Central Executive Committee of the old Communist Party of America held frequent extremely lengthy plenums -- taking up evenings for the better part of a week. This plenum dealt with the issue of Maximilian Cohen, accused of violating party discipline and misrepresenting the position of the CEC with respect to proposed merger with the United Communist Party. For his transgressions Cohen was summarily suspended from the CEC and an investigating committee appointed on the first day of the plenum -- he was expelled from the CEC and the CPA itself on the last. The CEC also heard the report of Karlis Jansons ["Scott"] on behalf of the American Agency -- a body appointed to organize sections of the RILU and Comintern in Canada and Mexico; this group of three (including Louis Fraina and Sen Katayama) attempted to assert authority in the merger discussions, which was rebuffed by the CEC of the CPA. Includes details about party finances and membership for the second half of 1920 (approximately $42,200 received and a paid membership averaging about 7,100, according to the figures). Also included are brief reports from the 6 functioning districts of the CPA. The Executive Secretary of the CPA at this time was Charles Dirba, Editor of party publications was John Ballam.

"An Appeal to the Executive Committee of the Communist International," by Maximilian Cohen [Jan. 16, 1921] Expelled from the Communist Party of America for violation of party discipline by campaigning for unity with the United Communist Party, Max Cohen made his appeal to the organization that was demanding just such a merger. Cohen explicitly identifies a cause of the ongoing organizational feud: "Behind the question of unity...lies the fundamental question of the future form of organization which the united party shall take — i.e., the old question of foreign language federations. Only through the solution of the 'federation problem' will the key to unity be found. Therein lies the secret of the feuds and the schisms, and the bitterness of the quarrels in the past." Cohen insists that it is up to ECCI to resolve fundamental difference between the two organizations on the place of the Federations to make unity possible. "Looking at the national language federations as a transitory form of organization, quite necessary in the beginning of the Communist movement when the American elements were not yet ripe for helping to build a Communist Party, the question we know have to face is: have these organizations begun to outlive their usefulness now that the American workers, or the vanguard of them, are slowly but surely coming in?" Cohen asks.

"Letter to Maximilian Cohen in New York from the CPA Executive Secretary Charles Dirba Notifying Him of His Expulsion." [Jan. 17, 1921]  As an advocate of prompt unity with the rival Communist Labor Party of America, New York dentist and CPA Central Executive Committee member Max Cohen was a black sheep in the pasture. Brought up on charges of violation of party discipline, on Jan. 16, 1921 Cohen was tried and convicted of "flagrant breach of party discipline and intentional misrepresentation of the activities of the CEC." This letter from Executive Secretary of the CPA Charles Dirba to Cohen passes along the full report of the three member investigating committee. Cohen his found to have stated that the CEC was suppressing news on the unity question and otherwise standing in the way of unity, that it was arranging caucuses in 4 of the 6 districts in order to prevent the election of unity-favoring delegates so as to crush the UCP, was making use of technicalities to hamper unity, and was otherwise preventing him (Cohen) from stating his views on unity in the party press. The investigating committee found that Cohen's own “Open Letter to the CEC of the CP” had corroborated these charges. Cohen was expelled from the party and wound up being assigned to organization work in Central America by the Comintern in the aftermath.

 

"Letter to the American Agency of the Comintern from the Central Executive Committee of the United Communist Party in New York, January 17, 1921." Facing a Joint Unity Convention for which delegates were to be apportioned by actually paid membership for July-October 1920 -- a period in which the UCP averaged a somewhat inflated 4,561 and the CPA averaged 7,552 -- the UCP suddenly turned about face, terminating their shrill "Unity Now" line and becoming unmistakably obstructionist. This letter from UCP Executive Secretary Alfred Wagenknecht on behalf of the CEC to the American Agency declares that unity under the proportional representation terms set by the Comintern is "impossible," since it was found to be "impossible to get correct membership figures from the Communist Party." Instead, "the United Communist Party proposed a unity convention on the basis of equal representation. This alone can break the deadlock," Wagenknecht declared. He dishonestly added that "we denounce the insistence of the leaders of the Communist Party on the execution of the letter [calling for proportional representation] as a subterfuge behind which they want to hide their determination to prevent unity." In reality, the archival evidence indicates that the CPA provided the UCP with a "clean" membership count, which the UCP summarily rejected when they realized that they would enter the forthcoming convention controlling just 38% of the delegates.

 

"The American Labor Alliance for Trade Relations With Russia." [January 1921]. An unsigned report (Alexander Trachtenberg a likely author) outlining the origins and activities of the American Labor Alliance for Trade Relations With Russia. According to this account, the ALA had its roots in an anti-blockade organization called the American Women's Emergency Committee, which called for New York trade unions to join the anti-blockade effort in October of 1921. A conference of the "Humanitarian Labor Alliance" was subsequently held in New York City, attended by 512 labor delegates. This Nov. 21, 1920 gathering passed a resolution on the Russian Blockade (see above) and elected a permanent Executive Committee, which changed the name of the organization to the (more descriptive) American Labor Alliance for Trade Relations With Russia.

"Memorandum to the Executive Committee of the Communist International in Moscow from the Communist Unity Committee in New York City, Jan. 21, 1921."  With both the CPA and the UCP attempting to sabotage American Communist unity on the Communist International's terms, each for their own reason, it was left to pro-unity elements from both parties to provide unbiased information and to attempt to build consensus from the bottom up. The Communist Unity Committee was the organized expression of these pro-unity forces. This letter to the Comintern indicates that from an initial membership of about 55,000 in the fall of 1919, the combined Communist parties "have now hardly 15,000 members." The letter relates the existence within the 20,000 or so members of a Socialist Party a left wing group who enthusiastically support the Russian Revolution and who seek to join the 3rd International. "The Socialist Party is disintegrating rapidly. The Communist parties, what there is of them, are not in a position to carry on the work, since they are composed mainly of foreign speaking elements, and make no effort to reach the American workman in a manner that he can understand," the letter advises. The ground is ready for an organization of 50,000 or so "class-conscious elements" to join in a new, legal organization, the letter opines. It adds: "Only this work must be done openly, above ground, avoiding the legal restrictions of the 48 separate states, to as great an extent as may be found necessary. Secret agitation here will only invite spying, corruption, and eventual disintegration."

 

"Circular Letter to Trade Union Locals from the National Executive Committee of the World War Veterans, circa Jan. 25, 1921." This widely circulated fundraising letter from the Left Wing ex-soldiers organization, the World War Veterans, gives new meaning to the term "doughboys." The WWV's efforts at Fort Dodge, Iowa against the open shop and in a Minneapolis counterdemonstrating against the Right Wing American Legion are played up, as is their intervention in Clinton, Iowa on behalf of a progressive city government. During the latter enterprise the macho toughguy WWV purportedly met American Legion force with force ("5 Vets cleaned up 11 bullies and cleaned 'em right") and turned out 500 supporters to canvas door to door, effectively winning the election. The circular asks organized labor to "Give us your 5 million labor men of America, put $100,000 into our hands or at our disposal, and we will organize the ex-doughboys of America into a combat organization that will save America from the economic, industrial, financial, and political anarchy into which you know as well as we do that she is drifting." The bottom line: "Whip your Central body into line and shoot us 250 bucks, a range for our organizers, and enjoy life again."

"Membership Bulletin of the United Communist Party, January 27, 1921."  Mimeographed bulletin circulated by the governing Central Executive Committee of the United Communist Party to the party's rank and file, informing the membership of the decisions of the recently-completed 2nd National Convention. After long having advocated union with the rival Communist Party of America, the UCP leadership -- facing force merger as a minority based on its lesser actual paid membership -- now spreads anti-unity propaganda. It announces the "interesting news" that had "come to light" that no member of the UCP's CEC would be allowed on the CEC of the united organization, nor was any member of the former UCP "to be given any responsible position in the united party." A new party program and constitution had been adopted for the UCP at its 2nd Convention [Kingston, NY: Dec. 24, 1920-Jan. 2, 1921] and members were instructed "to make a study" of these documents. Activity on behalf of the unemployed was emphasized, and mass meetings of the unemployed were to be called. These were to be allowed o elect governing officers, "but you are also to see to it that members of our party are slated for these positions and elected to them," the document instructs.

"Circular Letter to  Supporters of the Soviet Russia  Medical Relief Committee, Jan. 27, 1921."  Short direct mail letter noting the severance of the relationship between the Communist Party-backed Soviet Russian Medical Relief Committee from the former director of its Chicago office, Charles L. Drake. With the Chicago office consolidated out of existence by the New York-based SRMRC, Drake had decided to carry forward as a new Soviet relief organization called the "American Red Star League." The circular letter warns: "The name of the 'Red Star League' may mislead some of our supporters to the advantage of the League’s enterprise, which is entirely foreign to us and to the Soviet Russia Medical Relief work." The circular letter additionally cautions that the new American Red Star League had been falsely presenting itself as having been endorsed by the Ludwig Martens, official representative of the Soviet government in America. "This is a plain misrepresentation," the letter insists, adding that "Soviet Russia Medical Relief Committee is the only organization which has the endorsement of the Soviet Russia official representative, Mr. L. Martens, who renewed this endorsement in the most emphatic terms on the eve of his departure from this country."

 

"Letter to Henry J. Ryan, National Director, Americanism Commission, the American Legion in Indianapolis, IN, from J. Edgar Hoover, Special Assistant to the Attorney General in Washington, DC, January 31, 1921." This short letter from J. Edgar Hoover to the head of the American Legion's "Americanism Commission" emphasizes the way that the ultra-nationalist organization of former soldiers worked hand-in-glove with the anti-radical contingent of the Justice Department. Hoover passes along the text of a bill proposed to congress in Nov. 1919 by Attorney General Mitchell Palmer as a "proposal in order that there might be something concrete to work upon" in the way of anti-radical legislation. "Of course, legislation dealing with sedition and criminal anarchy must be carefully drafted so that it may not infringe upon the rights of free speech and freedom of the press. However, it should always be born in mind that while freedom of speech is a liberty it is not a license and that it must be exercised within reasonable bounds," Hoover notes.

 

"Membership Series by Federation for the (old) Communist Party of America, July 1920 to Jan. 1921." For those of you who like your history crunchy instead of fluffy, here are two pages worth printing out and saving. This is an outstanding membership series for seven core months of the old Communist Party of America, as presented by Executive Secretary Charles Dirba to the May 1921 Unity Convention held at Woodstock, NY. Each of the seven months is divided among the six language federations of the old CPA (these being from big to small: Lithuanian, Russian, Ukrainian, Latvian, Polish, Jewish) as well as the handful of "Non-Federation" (i.e. English language) members. Percentages and quarterly averages have been tabulated and a page of explanatory commentary provided by Tim Davenport. In round figures, membership of the old CPA stood at 7,000 in this period, about a third of which were members of the Lithuanian Federation and about a quarter of which were members of the Russian Federation. There were a shade over 200 "Non-Federation" members in the period.

 

FEBRUARY 1921

"Bibliography: Press of the Communist International (Till February 1st, 1921)." There was an explosion of interest and activity in the revolutionary socialist movement around the world during the first 2 years of the Communist International which resulted in a vast literature emerging. This document lists the official CI and English-language portions of an extensive bibliography which appeared in the pages of the official organ of the Comintern. Of particular note is the list of languages in which the underground official organs of the CPA and UCP appeared. For the CPA, in addition to English: Latvian, Ukrainian, and Polish -- Russian not mentioned. The CPA also published an underground Yiddish organ called Die Rot Fahne. For the UCP, in addition to English: Hungarian, Yiddish, Latvian, Polish, Russian, Finnish, Croatian. From June 1920 the Russian language Novyi Mir, previously a legal publication, had been published on an illegal basis, the bibliography notes. The bibliography is not perfect, scholars should be made aware, listing two defunct publications of the former CLP -- Voice of Labor (first variant) and The Class Struggle. Also interesting are the claimed circulation figures of the English language legal organs of the two parties: 5,000 for the CPA's The Workers Challenge and 15,000 for the UCP's The Toiler.

 

"Unemployment." (leaflet of the Communist Party of America) [circa Feb. 1921] This leaflet of the "illegal" underground CPA observes that "a terrific industrial slump has hit this country." Retailers were overstocked, manufacturers were unable to get orders and were cutting back production and jobs accordingly, and farmers were forced to dump their products on the market at prices below the actual cost of production. "The working class could very easily consume more food, more clothing, more of all the products that they have produced. But under the present capitalist system of production commodities are produced for profit and not primarily for use. The workers get back in wages only about one-fifth of what they produce. The rest, after deducting the portion used by the capitalist class and their henchmen, is held for export to foreign markets. This surplus must be sold for profit to foreign countries." However, foreign markets were in disarray and were unable to absorb this surplus production and a major crisis was impending. There was only one solution, the leaflet states: "The only way in which you can put an end to this profit system which keeps you in poverty, misery, and degradation, and gives all the good things of life to the rich, is to conquer political power for your class, and make the working class the ruling class in society. You must first destroy the present capitalist government and establish a workers' or Soviet government in its place by force -- just as did the workers and peasants of Russia!" The call for the use of armed force by the working class is repeated: "The capitalist government cannot be destroyed by peaceful means, such as the ballot box. The ballot box is itself an instrument of capitalist domination, cleverly developed so as to fool the workers into believing that they gain their ends through parliamentary action. Nor can you abolish the capitalist system by seizing the factories without at the same time seizing the political power.... The only way to overthrow the capitalist government is by means of MASS ACTION -- demonstrations, protests, mass strikes, general strikes, political strikes, and culminating finally in open collision with the capitalist state -- armed insurrection and civil war."

"Memorandum on the Present Situation of the Communist Movement of America: Adopted by the Communist Unity Committee for Submission to the Executive Committee of the Third Communist International." [c. Feb. 1, 1921]  Lengthy set of theses to the Executive Committee of the Comintern on the unity situation in America representing the official perspective of the Communist Unity Committee, a group headed by Alexander Bittelman and containing members of both the Communist Party of America and the United Communist Party. Both Central Executive Committees are blamed for the failure of the American Communists organizations to unite in accord with Comintern directives. Origins of the split are linked to language, with English-speaking elements seeking postponement of formation of a Communist Party in America until after the 1919 Emergency National Convention of the Socialist Party so as to maximize the number of English-speaking revolutionary socialists brought into the fledgling communist movement. Upon formation of the dual organizations, the CEC of the CPA is said to have "almost unanimously adopted the position that, since the CLP is by its composition, leadership, and program a centrist organization," therefore rendering unity impossible. This feeling had been attenuated by the protracted underground period, which many CEC leaders had felt had largely purged CLP ranks of its former centrist elements. In March and April 1920 pro-unity factions in both organizations had virtually achieved organic unity of the rival groups, only to be sabotaged by the leaderships of both parties. In the aftermath, the anti-unity CPA majority conducted a purge against pro-unity elements following the July 1920 2nd Convention of the organization. Meanwhile, the UCP embraced the theory that "all evils come from the foreign language groups" and came to exert an ever more divisive role on the American movement. The Communist Unity Committee, representing the pro-unity factions within each party, casts itself here as a force for a united party bringing together both English-speaking and Foreign language elements. "The ruling groups of both parties have neither the conception nor the ability to build and lead such a party," the document notes.

"Letter to an Unnamed Comrade in Moscow Regarding the Communist Unity Committee from Alexander Bittelman in New York, February 1, 1921."  Letter from recently-expelled CPA leader Alexander Bittelman of the Communist Unity Committee to an unnamed comrade in Moscow offering supplemental information to be presented to the Executive Committee of the Communist International on the current unity situation in the American Communist movement. "It may be said with absolute certainty that the great majority of the members of both parties is in heartfelt sympathy with our criticisms and aims," Bittelman asserts, adding that such sympathy was generally not translated into "joining and actively supporting our activities." Bittelman states that the CECs of the two parties, in an attempt to break the organizational stalemate, were attempting to create splits in the ranks of their rivals, with the UCP attempting to split out English-speaking elements from the CPA and the CPA attempting to cause the departure of foreign language federationists from the UCP. "If the Central Committees of the two parties are allowed to continue in this manner, they may succeed in creating a new split that will definitely break the movement into two hostile parts -- English-speaking and foreign language-speaking -- and that will make unity between them impossible for a very long time to come," Bittelman warns. Bittelman urges his correspondent to press for ECCI recognition of the Communist Unity Committee as the vehicle for merger, stating: "If the Executive Committee of the Third International could see its way to officially endorse the CUC, we would instantly carry with us at least 80% of the membership of both parties, and achieve unity within six (6) weeks."

"The Burning Question of Unity." [Feb. 1, 1921]  Lengthy and authoritative statement on organization unity of the American Communist movement by the governing Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party of America. The CEC admits that it had refused to pursue unity negotiations with the leadership National Executive Committee of the rival Communist Labor Party and its successor, the United Communist Party, owing to the "centrism" of this group and their intent "to combine two incompatible teachings -- Communism and Syndicalism." Defecting CPA leaders C.E. Ruthenberg and I.E. Ferguson had only returned home to the organization which shared their "opportunist and syndicalist ideas," the CPA document asserts. The factional battle had not been resolved in the CPA's favor due to misrepresentation in Moscow by its delegates to the 2nd World Congress of the Comintern, Alexander Stoklitsky and Louis Fraina, it is asserted. Only with the arrival of a newly accredited representative, Nicholas Hourwich, was the principled CPA's position solidified, the article states. The CPA "has no reason whatsoever to prevent unity," the article maintains, intimating that its larger size assured its place in any future united organization. Instead, the blame for failure to achieved unity is placed upon the "anarcho-opportunist" and "centrist" leadership of the UCP. "The leaders of the UCP have the unmitigated insolence to demand that the Communist Party of America, recognized by the Communist International as the most consistent party in its conception of communist principles and tactics and having almost twice as many members as the UCP, should on some mysterious grounds give up its position which it has maintained...simply because a few charlatans and politicians at the head of the UCP demand it." The CPA "stands ready at any time to call its delegates to a JOINT UNITY CONVENTION," the article declares.

"Circular Letter to All District Organizers of the United Communist Party of America From Executive Secretary Alfred Wagenknecht, February 1, 1921." A cover letter for the first two copies of the organ of Alexander Bittelman's "Communist Unity Committee," sent out by Executive Secretary Wagenknecht of the United Communist Party so that the UCP's DOs might "be better able to meet the propaganda of this 'third party' committee." Wagenknecht relates Bittelman's saga -- failing to be able to keep the Jewish federation neutral in the CPA/CLP split, then joining the UCP. Bittelman was offered the job of editor of the UCP's legal Jewish newspaper, but he declined, seeking to edit a narrow theoretical journal instead. Wagenknecht says he then led 15 Jewish members out of the UCP and into the CPA -- which accepted the rank-and-filers and refused membership to Bittelman! Outside of both organizations, Bittelman established his "Communist Unity Committee" so as to "establish a leadership for himself," Wagenknecht says.

"Membership Bulletin No. 1 - 1921 of the United Communist Party." [circa Feb. 1, 1921]"  Internal membership bulletin of the United Communist Party detailing activities of the governing Central Executive Committee of the organization, with one copy mimeographed for each local group, to be distributed by District Organizers to group leaders, read at a meeting, and then destroyed. Karlis Janson ("Scott") had returned from Moscow with a mandate to establish a Pan-American Bureau and RILU Bureau in America. Payment of one day's wages on February 26, 1921 is scheduled in the guise of a "Communist Saturday," borrowed from the Soviet subbotniki of the period. Leaflets and pamphlets are approved for publication with every section of the party instructed to host a for-profit social event on the party's behalf to raise funds for the necessary expenses. The UCP's Federation strategy is detailed, to wit: "Party groups be strengthened and increased in these federations with a view of taking over the propaganda machinery of these federations and eventually dissolving these federations." A wage-related fight with the still unidentified Chicago-based CEC members "Flat" and "Adams" burns hot, with the disaffected pair refusing further party work, suspended from the CEC, and ordered to attend the next session of that body.

 

"The American Red Star League: First Aid to the Working Class." [circa Feb. 1, 1921]"The ghastly failure of the present organized relief forces to be of any real service to the working class and their official refusal in many cases to help the workers where help is most needed has made necessary the organization of a relief force that will be of, by, and for the working class, and for the working class alone," declares this leaflet of the newly-organized American Red Star League. This group is said to be "organized solely for the purpose of giving relief to members of the working class in acute need, everywhere in the world." While aid to the working class in war ravaged Europe was clearly a priority, the leaflet notes that "such need is not confined to foreign countries. The anti-labor drive which has been begun by the moneyed powers in this country, headed by the United States Steel Corporation and assisted by every Chamber of Commerce, will lead to terrible conflicts and nationwide destitution." The leaflet exhorts recipients to give financial donations to a $10 million Relief Fund: "The workers must be prepared now to aid their own distressed comrades. The want in Europe and Asia is terrible, appalling, and the official relief agencies use the contributions of Americans against the workers who are seeking to control their own governments. We must help them!"

 

"Soviet Envoy Martens' Farewell Message to America," by Ludwig C.A.K. Martens [Feb. 5, 1921] At the time of his expulsion the de facto Ambassador of Soviet Russia to the United States, Ludwig Martens, takes time to thank the Americans who showed him such "great personal kindness and courtesy." Martens indicates that his departure was "the logical and inevitable consequence of the policy of the American government toward Soviet Russia." For the past 2 years, two American administrations had shown "an absolute refusal to recognize even the de facto existence of the Soviet government, and a refusal to permit the resumption of trade between Russia and America." The US government had adamantly refused to accept any communications which Martens had addressed to it. Martens notes that the Soviet government had "accepted this declaration of the policy of the American government toward Russia and instructed me to close my bureau and to withdraw from the United States without delay." Martens concludes without rancor, stating that "industrial and economic conditions of the world, not excepting America, are such that the resumption of normal economic relations with Russia has become an imperative necessity upon all nations" and that "when the American people are prepared to approach this problem, the government of the Russian workers and peasants will be ready to meet them in a reasonable and friendly spirit."

 

"In the Matter of Abraham Zanan, Under Telegraphic Warrant of Arrest: Philadelphia -- Feb. 11, 1921." (Interview of Abraham Zanan of the CPA by A.G. Benkhart, Immigrant Inspector.) Attempting a social history of the early American Communist movement is problematic. While there are many hundreds, even thousands, of Slavic and Baltic and Hungarian names and addresses recorded in the voluminous records of the Department of Justice's Bureau of Investigation -- readily available on microfilm as part of the National Archives and Records Administration's collection M-1085 -- these are ultimately faceless mentions of individuals deported from or absorbed into America without leaving a trace. Those interrogation transcripts which are extant, a fraction of the larger whole, tend to be uninformative , the prisoners understandably tending to lie and obfuscate in the interest of self-preservation rather than to truthfully enlighten their interrogators. This particular document, however, provides a significant glimpse at the history of American Communist Party life "from below," from the perspective of a committed rank and file member. Abraham Zanan answered the questions of Immigration Inspector A.G. Benkhart fully and truthfully because he was (somewhat lamentedly) seeking deportation to Soviet Russia. Zanan was a 20 year old unemployed garment cutter from Philadelphia, a member of the Young Peoples Socialist League (youth section of the Socialist Party) from 1915 and the Yiddish language federation of the Socialist Party of America not long thereafter, a founding member of the Communist Party of America who departed the old CPA with the Ruthenberg group in 1920 to membership in the United Communist Party. Zanan provides details of group life in the UCP, with meetings held at rotating homes at irregular intervals, rare activity in distributing the leaflets of the organization, the organization collecting its 75 cent monthly dues without the use of receipt stamps or party cards. Zanan attempts to explain to the inspector the UCP's position on force and violence, that it was both defensive and inevitable in the struggle for state power. He takes umbrage to the government's assertion that he and his party are "Anarchist" or against all organized government -- these being, along with the charge advocacy of force and violence, the sole statutory rationale for state repression of the Communists. Unable to find employment in his trade for a protracted period and not seeking to be a burden to his family, Zanan turned himself in to the authorities on Feb. 3, 1921, and confessed his party membership, believing himself to be a fugitive from justice since the unsuccessful raid of his home during the so-called Palmer Raids of Jan. 2/3, 1920. He sought deportation to Soviet Russia, believing that he might there find employment and make a living, despite the testimony of his mother and uncle, included here, to keep the "good boy" Zanan in America.

 

"Why You Are Out of a Job." (leaflet of the United Communist Party) [circa Feb. 15, 1921] This leaflet of the United Communist Party is addressed to the workers displaced in the post-war economy. The fact that there are no jobs is said to be the result of the private ownership of productive capital, because "the workshops, mines, railroads, and all other things that supply jobs for people, are the private property of the rich. WE, the workers, do the work. WE produce the goods. THEY take the profits. The wealthy class won't let any goods be produced except what they can sell for a profit. During the war, they made big profits. They worked us overtime.... They are taking it easy now. As for us workers -- WE CAN GO TO HELL. They are through with us." There is only one possible solution, the leaflet declares: "WE, THE WORKERS, MUST ACT! We must take possession of the workshops and establish control over them. We must control production, and operate all industry for the benefit of ONLY the workers. THAT IS THE ROAD TO COMMUNISM." The Russian experience is held up as a model for American workers. There "they seized the factories, mills, and mines and threw out their owners. They overthrew the government, which existed only to protect the bosses. They organized their own government -- the Soviet government of Russia. That is what American workmen must do." The final conflict will be violent and is portrayed as imminent: "when we try to take possession of the workshops, the bosses will call on the government to protect them. Police, thugs, troops armed with machine guns, poison gas, and all war implements will be there to stop us. We must be ready to fight them. We must organize for that. The time is coming -- soon."

"Bases of the Protest of the [CPA] Minority Against the Extension of Appointments to Local Organizers." [c. Feb. 15, 1921]  Text of a typewritten factional document by a previously undocumented faction of the underground Communist Party of America, which included members in five of the party's six functioning districts. At issue was the question of appointment versus election of local leaders, with the majority at the 3rd Convention of the CPA deciding to replace democratic election of the two lowest levels of party leaders with centralized appointment. The pro-democracy faction behind this document contended that such a system was a violation of the Comintern's principle of democratic centralism, which was to be established on the basis of "the election of upper party units by those immediately below." The dissident minority details its thinking as follows: "Being appointed by secondary representatives of the CEC by the Sub-District Organizers, the local organizers will represent neither the CEC nor the membership. We are greatly lacking now in comrades qualified to act as organizers in the various Party units. Through the elections in the lower Party units there was an opportunity for new comrades to develop from the rank and file. The appointments will make this practically impossible." An appeal is made to the Communist International to overturn this organizational decision of the American Communist Party.

"British Espionage in the United States: An Internal Memorandum of the United States Dept. of Justice, February 15, 1921," by M.J. Davis This is a declassified secret document written for the Bureau of Investigation's permanent files by Special Agent M.J. Davis which details the close cooperation between British intelligence in the United States and the Bureau of Investigation. According to Davis the anti-radical  activities of the Department of Justice in New York City were conducted by just two people throughout 1918 and into 1919 -- Special Agent Raymond Finch working with the then-stenographer M.J. Davis. "Up to the first of October 1919, not one under-cover man was in our employ at NY in the now famous Bolshevik circles," Davis astonishingly declares. The British government, on the other hand, seem to have maintained a network of undercover informants, with the result that the British government knew more about American radicalism than the American Justice Department did. As a result, a period of close cooperation ensued, with the Americans making available their archive of the contemporary radical press and the British supplying intelligence reports, all with nodding acceptance from a series of Superintendents in Washington, DC. This regular connection seems to have been severed in the summer of 1919, when Finch left the employ of the Bureau of Investigation to go to work for British Intelligence and the New York Lusk Committee, resulting in the public identification of Robert Nathan as head of British Intelligence in American. Davis notes that the Bureau of Investigation would not hesitate to make use of the information of British Intelligence in the future should special need arise.

 

"British Espionage in the United States: A Secret Memorandum Prepared by the United States Dept. of Justice, Feb. 15, 1921." This secret US Department of Justice memorandum, forwarded under a cover letter by J. Edgar Hoover, reviews the activities of the British Intelligence Service in America, excerpting from the report of Special Agent M.J. Davis. "There are several classes of investigation which the British were, and I assume still are, particularly interested in. These included Sinn Féin activities, Hindu activities, Negro activities (especially as they affect and became part of the activities of all darker peoples), International radical organizations and individuals, and radical affairs of all kinds in the United States," the memo states. The memo dates Britain's active pursuit of intelligence on radicalism in America to the spring of 1918, when Robert Nathan arrived from England. A lengthy list of known and suspected British agents is provided, including Marcus Garvey of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, Rev. R.D. Jonas, Louis Fraina, Big Jim Larkin, Santeri Nuorteva, and former Bureau of Investigation and Lusk Committee investigator Raymond W. Finch. Some of these identifications are dubious. With respect to Fraina, the memo states that "sometime ago, approximately 6 months," an unnamed "prominent State Department official was advised by Sir Basil Thompson, head of the British Secret Service" that Fraina "had been in the employ of the British Secret Service, but at that time, he was not." The memo states that "when Fraina returned to England after the Amsterdam conference of the 3rd International [Feb. 10-11, 1920] he was placed in jail. I have been confidentially informed that Fraina at this time was subjected to a thorough examination by the British authorities and whether or not he was actually placed upon a salary basis with them is unknown but he shortly thereafter departed for Russia where today he is in the intimate confidence of the Soviet authorities." This specific account of Fraina's path to Moscow is at odds with the existing literature (Draper, Buhle) as well as the State Dept. memo of March 5, 1920 and the Hicks/MID memo of Nov. 2, 1920, it should be noted.

 

"Report on the United Communist Party," by BoI Undercover Employee "P-140" [Feb. 15, 1921] This report of a Hungarian employee of the Department of Justice's Bureau of Investigation paints the United Communist Party of America in most alarming tones: "I beg to report that I established the fact that it is the intention of the United Communist Party to try to establish within this year the Dictatorship of the Proletariat." The unidentified "P-140" emphatically declares: "It is namely known that the local factions of the Third International are receiving from Moscow all the directions. It is the intention of the Communists of Europe to celebrate the 1st of May with a general strike and the Communists of America adopted the same program. I was informed by the people who are members of the Communist Party to the effect that the laborers of this province are provided with arms." "P-140" also sensationally adds: "I will also mention a few new points in connection with my investigation of the Wall Street explosion. I was always positive that the outrage was done by the communists, but now I obtained proofs to that effect. The young man who is known only under the name of "Rudy" told me that a great deal of this affair is known to the "comrades" in Detroit, who are the most revolutionary elements." Slightly unhinged and factually erroneous reports like this one stoked the fires of the engine of repression, culminating in the mass arrests in Philadelphia during the night of April 25/26 and the raid of UCP headquarters in New York City on April 29, 1921.

"The Only Issue (Statement of the Communist Unity Committee)." [Feb. 15, 1921]  With majorities of the leadership groups of the Communist Party of America and United Communist Party of America each trying to obstruct Comintern-mandated organizational unity in their own way, another group of leaders -- headed by expelled CPA member Alexander Bittelman -- attempted to "go over the heads of the obstructionists by making a direct appeal to party members under the aegis of the "Communist Unity Committee." This document reprints a basis programmatic statement of the CUC from the group's short-lived newspaper, Communist Unity. The question of language federations and their autonomy vis-a-vis the central party organization is identified as "the only issue" standing in the way of organizational unity. The CPA's historic contention that the American Communist movement must be directed by the "100 Percenters" of the Communist movement, the CPA language federations "holds good no longer" since over the subsequent two years of underground existence the remaining English-speaking elements had shaken free of the Left Social Democrats ("Left Wingers") who had attached themselves to the movement. "They are either nothing -- and out of the movement -- or they are conscious and reliable Communists," the CUC writer contends. Moreover, by now the Executive Committee of the Comintern had emerged to serve as the "keeper of principles," further belying such a role for the CPA "100 Percenters." Control should instead be exerted by a unitary central organization "led only by those trusted and respected by the rank and file of the movement, be these CP or UCP men," which would be quickly established by a joint convention held free of the machinations of the rival Central Executive Committees, the author contends.

"Albert Bailin (Alias Balanow): Resume of Department and Bureau Files, Feb. 16, 1921."  Biographical summary from the files of the Bureau of Investigation of the mysterious and erratic left wing spy Albert Bailin. Born in the Russian empire circa 1894, Bailin came to the USA in 1910 and worked as a cigar maker before being arrested in May 1917 for distributing "anarchist literature" opposed to conscription.  He flipped in the second half of that year and worked for the Deparment of Justice in Rockford, Illiniois, being hired on by the DoJ as a special employee in Chicago in February 1918 and in Battle Creek, MI in March. In the fall of 1918 he applied to become a Special Agent in the Bureau of Investigation, but seems to have been turned down, working instead from 1919 to 1920 for the Thiel and Burns Detective Agencies. In October 1920 he again applied for work in the DoJ. At that same moment Bailin was suspected of attempting to cause an anti-red hysterial (conducive to his future employment) by mailing a letter signed "the Knights of the Red Star" threatening to blow up the Woolworth Building in New York City. Bailin made a confession to having mailed the bomb threat in January 1921, adding claims that the 1920 Wall Street bombing was the work of detective agencies and that detectives had "fixed" the Chicago Communist Labor Party trial by sending letters to the jury "threatening them with death -- all this being done in the name of the Communist Party." [sic.]

 

"Statement to the Members of the Communist Party of America and United Communist Party from the American Agency of ECCI, Feb. 17, 1921." Unable to bring the two parties to an immediate unity convention, the designated "American Agency" of the Executive Committee of the Communist International proposed the formation of a six member "National Council," formed on an equal basis. The parties were to terminate their dueling official organs and the National Council was to issue a joint official organ on behalf of "The Communist Party of America (Unified)" -- a publication which would be produced under the authority of two editors, one hailing from the UCP and the other from the CPA. This proposal for unity put forward by the American Agency (Janson, Fraina, and Katayama) was accepted with revisions by the CEC of the United Communist Party, but rejected by the Communist Party of America, probably because it merged the two groups on a basis of organizational equality rather than according to organizational size. "We shall accordingly report to the Executive Committee that we cannot break the deadlock, and we shall make definite concrete suggestions to the Communist International on how to break the deadlock and how to realize actual unity -- unity of a character which shall give factional control to neither party," the statement declared. Members were urged not to make factional hay from the impasse, to stay in their current organizations, and to be patient and allow the CI "time to act, finally and authoritatively."

 

"Ludwig C.A.K. Martens," by Arturo Giovannitti [Feb. 18, 1921] Lengthy and politically-charged prose poem in honor of the deportation of unrecognized Soviet ambassador Ludwig Christian Alexander Karlovich Martens, written by the noted radical Italian-American labor activist and poet. In Giovannitti's poem Revolutionary Russia is likened to Revolutionary America of 145 years earlier -- but the long-awaited visitor from afar, coming in the name of freedom and liberty has no one to welcome him appropriately, the original American revolutionaries being long dead and replaced instead by tax collectors and policemen and royalty-worshiping bureaucrats and aristocrats. Only the poor and downtrodden American workers, the "stillborn," are in a position to welcome Martens and his mission and to bid him and that mission an appropriate farewell, "And a clod from the grave of John Brown to spread over the grave of John Reed."

 

"Statement of Ludwig C.A.K. Martens on the Activities of the Soviet Mission: Moscow -- Feb. 24, 1921." Upon arriving back in Moscow after being forced to leave the United States, former Russian emissary Ludwig Martens summarized the activities of the Russian Soviet Government Bureau which he headed in the Soviet press. Martens retrospectively categorizes the activity of the RSGB into three sections: Information, Commercial work, and Technical work. Martens feels the propagation of information about Soviet Russia had been successful, as had the development of technical information and assistance for his country. Commercial work was a mixed bag, in Martens' estimation, the big failure to open up trade relations being only partially offset by the export of $750,000 worth of goods from Soviet Russia and by the execution of a number of successful purchase orders. Martens also emphasizes the importance of having made contact with the 3 million member Russian colony in America, the mass of which were "undoubtedly supporters of Soviet Russia." Martens concludes that it is his conviction "that our return to America will take place in the very near future. The program put forward by the Republicans during the Presidential election contained a paragraph demanding the resumption of trade relations with all countries with which America is not in a state of war. This of course applies to Soviet Russia. I think that as soon as Harding becomes President of the USA, Soviet Russia will be given the opportunity of opening the necessary negotiations."

 

"Summary of the Central Executive Committee's Report to the Extraordinary 3rd Convention of the Communist Party of America." An extended excerpt of the report delivered by the CEC to the delegates at the February 1921 convention of the CPA held in Brooklyn and published in the organization's membership bulletin. This obscure document was saved for posterity in the pages of the theoretical journal of the British Communist Party, where it was published it for the edification of the members of the CPGB. Excellent detail on the old CPA's organizational size and finances in the aftermath of the departure of C.E. Ruthenberg, I.E. Ferguson, and others to join the CLP in forming the United Communist Party of America. Includes copious footnotes for the contemporary reader by Tim Davenport.

"Open Letter to  V.I. Ulianov (N. Lenin) in Moscow from the Communist Unity Committee in New York, circa Feb. 28, 1921."  Lengthy public letter to Lenin by the Communist Unity Committee of America attempting to explain the political situation blocking unity between the rival American Communist parties. "The present divisions between our two parties do not at all run along the familiar lines of European Communism. At the bottom of our factional struggles lies a specific American problem -- the so-called problem of federations," the CUC declares. The issue of "centralization vs. federalism" with respect to the language federations is a strawman, the CUC contends, instead framing the question instead as follows: "1. Should the Communist activities in America be conducted in one language only (English), or in as many languages as there are nationalities among the proletariat of the United States? 2. If the languages of our propaganda are to be the languages spoken and understood by the various nationalities of the American proletariat, should this foreign language propaganda be conducted directly by the Central Committee of the Party, or should each foreign language group be given the right to itself provide for its own matters of propaganda and organization under the final supervision of the Central Committee of the Party?" Both the CPA and the UCP were composed of an "overwhelming majority" of non-English Communists and the CUC, in the quest to fulfill Comintern-mandated unity between the groups seeks Lenin's "advice."

 

"The American Red Star League $10,000,000 Relief Fund to Save the Women and Children of Soviet Russia: A leaflet of the American Red Star League." [leaflet, circa Feb. 1921] This leaflet by the new American Red Star League, a left wing rival medical relief organization to the American Red Cross, presents much of the case made by Irwin St. John Tucker in a longer pamphlet published by the Red Star League at about the same time. "Confronted with the terrific destitution in Europe as a result of wars and blockades, the working class of America has been asked to give generously for the relief of suffering in those countries. Millions of dollars have been raised in America for the relief of Europe. How much of this money has actually been of service to the working class? Two MILLION dollars' worth of medical supplies desperately needed in Russia were burned by the American Red Cross in the Crimea to prevent it falling into the hands of the Workers' Government. Supplies to the value of 10 MILLION dollars were allowed to rot at Archangel because the Red Cross would not permit the starving and dying Russians to use them." Capitalist machinations in Russia, Hungary, Austria, Italy, and elsewhere had given a political coloration to the Red Cross' work, while "under the leadership of Herbert Hoover a joint committee of relief organizations has been formed, which is openly using the funds collected for anti-labor propaganda," the leaflet asserts. In response to this ideological orientation of the American Red Cross, the American Red Star League had been formed. "THE AMERICAN RED STAR LEAGUE is organized as First Aid to the Working Class in every country. Our first and most pressing duty is to save the women and children of Soviet Russia!" the leaflet declares. Financial contributions to the organization for its work are solicited.

 

"30,000 Babies Starving!! A leaflet of the American Red Star League," by Charles L. Drake [circa Feb. 1921] This leaflet of the new American Red Star League makes use of a cable of the American Friends' Service Committee from Moscow highlighting the shortage of milk, cod liver oil, and soap in Moscow which had resulted in an infant mortality rate estimated at an astronomical 40%. "America's warehouses are full to bursting with good things. Let us send them to Russian babies! In the name of Humanity, ACT NOW!" the leaflet implores, noting that a $10 donation "will save 10 Russian babies."

 

MARCH 1921

Constitution of the [old] Communist Party of America, Section of the Communist International, as published in the March 1, 1921, issue of The Communist by the old (preunification) CPA. This document of organizational law was adopted by the 3rd Convention of the old CPA, held in Brooklyn, New York, during February 1921 and attended by about 30 delegates. This constitution outlines the structure of the organization and its relationship to its component Language Federations, who were characterized as being subject to the "dictatorship and control of the Party."

*** PUBLICATION ***  The Proletarian, vol. 3, no. 5 [March 1921]  (Graphic pdf, large file, 2.2 megs.) Full issue of the official magazine of the Proletarian Party of America. This issue contains: Cover art by Breit [V.M. Breitmayer]; "The Editor's Corner"; Dennis E. Batt: "The Carriers of Civilization"; John Keracher: "Education"; William Paul: "Lenin on Communist Tactics in England"; Murray Murphy: "Bertrand Russell on Bolshevik Theory"; John Keracher: "International Notes" (Russia, Turkey, Great Britain, Spain); A.J. MacGregor: "The Third International" (Germany, England, America); Franc Conner: "Exit the Villain"; J.A. McDonald: "The Middle Class"; C.M. O'Brien: "The Facts, Mr. Editor" (Open letter to the editor of the UCP's The Communist); Review of The American Empire by Scott Nearing; John Ball: "Dogmatism"; C.M. O'Brien: "Bolshevism in Spain."

 

"Third International Events in America," by A.J. McGregor [March 1921] Commentary on the underground Communist Party of America and United Communist Party from the pages of the official organ of the Proletarian Party of America. McGregor states that unity negotiations between the CPA and UCP were said to be moving forward slowly, although other communist groups (such as the PPA) were not invited to participate in the negotiations. Given all the secrecy, McGregor notes that "It is far easier to follow the developments of the movement in far off Russia or Armenia than to know what is going on at home. Of course, if one were a police-spy it might be different." McGregor cites Lenin in support of the assertion that any sound principle taken too far can be transformed into absurdity, which is exactly how he views the CPA/UCP mania for underground organization. When "the entire work of a party must at all times be conducted in secret; and that in order to be truly revolutionary a communist party must of necessity be an outlaw organization, then the principle is transformed and made absurd," McGregor states. Anticipating the course of events in the CPA by nearly 2 years, McGregor argues that organization of the communist movement as an underground organization with camouflaged legal work means disaster : "To adopt such a plan of organization means simply that we would sever our connection with the general working class movement and turn the workers over to the gently nursing of the reactionary Socialist Party." Instead, primary party organization and function should be open, with the secret parallel organization called for by the Comintern to consist of "only the tried and experienced members" functioning alongside the open organization. McGregor additionally observes that "it would be the height of folly to advertise that such an organization existed."

"Organization Rules of the Young Communist League of America (Adopted by the National Committee of the YCL)." [circa March 1921] According to the literature, there was no organized youth section of the American Communist movement until a founding convention of the Young Communist League held at Bethel, CT on April 20, 1922. This document from the Comintern Archive indicates that fully a year earlier the United Communist Party was moving to establish just such an organization at a First National Convention "in the near future." This document sets down the basic structure of the organization that was to follow -- the "Young Communist League of America -- Section of the Young Communist International." The YCLA was to be an underground organization build on the UCP model, with local groups of no more than 10 members which elected their own group organizer, who in turn participated in the "city central unit." Dues were to be 25 cents a month, the initiation fee was to be 50 cents, and the organization was to work for "the communist education of the young workers; active participation in the struggle to overthrow capitalism; (defense of the proletarian dictatorship and the workers soviets after the seizure of power); reorganization of labor; and the cultural development of the working youth along the lines of communist principles." Based upon this and a programmatic document in the archives, it now seems likely that some sort of formal underground American communist youth organization existed in 1921 -- earlier than previously believed.

 

"Workingmen of America! Stand By Soviet Russia!" (leaflet of the Communist Party of America) [March 1921] Some 483,000 copies of this CPA leaflet were produced in an effort to rally the American working class to the defense of Soviet Russia. "Do not be fooled by the lying and prostitute capitalist press! Victorious Soviet Russia means a triumphant working class. If Soviet Russia is defeated, the whole advancing working class movement will be halted for years to come and black reaction will set in. Show the arrogant and murderous capitalists and imperialists of America, England, and France that we, the workingmen of America, are in full sympathy with Soviet Russia," the leaflet urges. Not only defensive action, but offensive revolutionary action is advocated: "Let us resolve to break the chains of wage slavery. Let us prepare for the overthrow of the hypocritical and bloody capitalist state and establish in its place the Soviet Republic of America. Let us destroy the REPUBLIC OF THE RICH and erect the REPUBLIC OF LABOR. Let us join hands with the Soviet Republics of the World in the glad confederation of free peoples united by the bonds of working class solidarity."

"Membership Bulletin No. 2 - 1921 of the United Communist Party." [circa March 1, 1921]  Mimeographed bulletin for members of the underground United Communist Party of America -- to have been distributed to group (cell) leaders, read once at the weekly meeting, and destroyed. The announcement is made that Canadian connections with the UCP are being severed and the work of organizing a Communist Party of Canada turned over to the Comintern's "American Agency" (Fraina, Janson, Katayama). The new "Red Star League" started by Charles Drake in Chicago after closure of that office of the Soviet Russia Medical Relief Committee is deemed "reactionary" and party members are instructed to "ask all workers not to support this league in any way." Former CEC members from Chicago "Adams" and "Flat" (pseudonyms still unidentified) are suspended for 3 months for breach of discipline. A disciplinary investigation is to be launched with respect to party members participating in the Communist Unity Committee. It is announced that the UCP is now maintaining a legal press in English, Yiddish, Croatian, Armenian, Czech, Italian, and Estonian. (Note that no such Russian, Lithuanian, Ukrainian, or Finnish press exists). It is noted that while criticism of party decisions is permitted, members withholding the purchase of dues stamps, special stamps, or refusing to sell party literature due to such opposition are "in rebellion against the Party can not hold Party membership." A list of recently published and forthcoming pamphlets is presented, including material in English, Yiddish, German, Finnish, Ukrainian, and Croatian. The CEC announces its decision to "permeate" the American Labor Alliance for Trade with Soviet Russia (ALA) and the German-language Arbeiter Bilundgs Vereine [Workers' Educational Associations]. Increased sale of both legal and illegal literature is insisted upon.

 

"Martens Files Libel Suit Against the Washington Post." [event of March 2, 1921] Around the first of March, 1921, claims were made in the Washington Post against head of the Russian Soviet Government Bureau, Ludwig Martens, charging that he he was a member of the American Communist Party, had directed secret organizations aiming at the overthrow of the American government, had associated with and incited criminal anarchists, and that he was himself a German revolutionist. The Post additionally editorialized in favor of delivering Martens "over to the tender mercies of Noske, who knows how to deal with Sparticides, Bolsheviki, and their ilk." Martens responded through his lawyer, former Senator Hardwick, who hired additional counsel in order to bring suit against the Post. "Their contention is that the above and other allegations by the Post are utterly false and are refuted by the official record of the Senate hearings," this news account from the Socialist press declares. The Post's editorial offensive against Martens was seen as part of a final effort by an increasingly desperate Department of Justice and the Lusk Committee of New York to justify their policy of repression of Martens and his Soviet Government Bureau in New York.

 

"NJ Court Frees Communist." [Walter Gabriel] News report in The Toiler [event of March 3, 1921 This short article from the UCP legal weekly, The Toiler, announces the March 3, 1921 release of former New Jersey State Secretary of the Communist Labor Party Walter Gabriel. Gabriel had been arrested as part of the January 1921 Palmer Raids and was sent to prison for 2-10 years for ""advocating the overthrow of the government of New Jersey and the government of the United States by force." The New Jersey Supreme Court overturned this decision, however, ruling that mere belief in the need for overturning either the state or federal governments was not sufficient to constitute an offense against the state of New Jersey. At the time of the decision, Gabriel's attorney, Rose Weiss, claimed that the New Jersey court's invalidation of sections of the New Jersey law could have an impact on similar laws passed in other states, many of which were modeled after the New Jersey provisions.

 

"Special Report on Undercover Operations in the UCP by the Department of Justice's Bureau of Investigation at Mason City, IA," by Special Agent H.W. Hess [March 4, 1921] This extensive report by Bureau of Investigation Special Agent H.W. Hess reviews the information gathered by the undercover operations of the Bureau. B.C. Keeler of the Mason City Brick & Tile Co. had placed his undercover operative ("Mike Benton") at the service of the BoI; this individual had worked himself into the good graces of the local organization of the United Communist Party, headed by cartoonist and writer Harry Keas, a founding member of the Communist Labor Party. The BoI believes that "Carl Alton," UCP District Organizer for the Chicago District, was a pseudonym for Ludwig Katterfeld -- an assertion which has not been positively confirmed at this time. Also figuring largely in the Chicago District of the UCP were Edgar Owens of Moline, IL, and Harry Keas of Mason City, IA. A Dec. 12, 1920 visit to the district by CEC member Edward Lindgren is recounted; Lindgren is represented as having made the (preposterous) claims that "the Russian government would have 5,000 agents in this country within 6 months; that the Russian Soviet Government was appropriating $120,000 per year in the support of the United Communist Party." This document includes an extensive set of footnotes by Tim Davenport clarifying various esoteric points and misstatements.

 

"Report of the United Communist Party's District Organizer 10 [San Francisco] to Exec. Sec. Alfred Wagenknecht in New York, March 7, 1921," by W. Costley. This is terrific stuff, a colorful local report that social historians will be able to sink their teeth in, chronicling the affairs of the United Communist Party's California District Organizer, W. Costley. Costley is outspoken in his advocacy of open, legal political action: "...To my way of thinking the results are not commensurate with the time and expense put into the work. I attribute the slow growth of the movement here to the fact that the right sort of open work up to the present has not been done, because we have had no comrades capable of doing it. I find myself so busy doing the routine work of the office and attending on men whom I know are good timber. But this is slow work when you have to spend time and money in calling on a party three or four times before you catch him and when you finally see him he has to read up and decide what he will do." Instead, at open meetings great numbers might be addressed and directed into party work simultaneously, Costley notes, with literature sales covering the cost of the operation. Costley bemoans the attitude of the Finns in not wanting to jump into the UCP and transfer ownership of their halls to the party: "It made me as mad to the bone to see them have the psychology of the bourgeoisie deeply embedded in their systems, and I told them so. And I told them furthermore that they were covering themselves with disgrace by refusing to enlist in the ranks NOW, and every moment of delay was a discredit to them." He expresses a wish to begin open work and suggests "Albric" [Bertram Wolfe] as a potential candidate for the DO position. He also seeks to launch a free speech fight in Oakland, to pave the way for a return of Bob Minor and other radical speakers.

 

"Debate on the Press and the Society for Medical Aid to Soviet Russia at the 3rd Russian All-Colonial Congress: New York City," by Bureau of Investigation Undercover Agent "P-132" [March 8, 1921] The Russian All-Colonial Congresses were ostensibly non-partisan biannual gatherings of the "Russian colony in the United States and Canada" sponsored by the anarchist Union of Russian Workers. This material is an extract from the report of the 3rd Russian All-Colonial Congress was provided by "P-132," a Russian-speaking undercover Special Agent of the Bureau of Investigation (a full BoI employee who wrote his own reports, as opposed to a paid informer who funneled information to a reporting Special Agent). Topics of debate here are the ideological line to be pursued by the new official organ of the All-Colonial and the financial controversy over the Detroit branch of the Medical Aid to Soviet Russia organization. With regard to the press, the All-Colonial (Union of Russian Workers) had launched a paper called Amerikanskaia Izvestiia [American News] to replace the suppressed anarchist weeklies Rabochii i Krest'ianin and Khleb i Volia. Calls were made by anarchist delegates to the 3rd Congress for the publication to adopt an explicitly anarchist line. Delegate Mikhailov declares" "Comrades, you all know that we are Anarchists. Why should we cover up our beliefs and teachings by organizing schools and various educational societies? And that applies to Amerikanskaia Izvestiia. Once for all we ought to say clearly that it is an Anarchist newspaper and establish definitely its true character and purpose." This perspective is opposed by Delegate Sivko, who states: "You are an Anarchist; well, I am a Communist, and if you demand the Anarchist policy I demand the Communist, and I will never consent that Anarchist propaganda be taught through Amerikanskaia Izvestiia." Despite their control of the convention, the multi-tendency orientation of the newspaper was maintained by the final resolution of the 3rd All-Colonial Congress. That same evening a "special meeting or session" was held to deal with the alleged improprieties of the Soviet Russia Medical Relief Committee. At this "special session," the same "Communist" delegate Sivko (probably a communist-anarchist as opposed to a CPA member) detailed the fraudulent practices which he uncovered in the Detroit organization of the Soviet Russia Medical Relief Committee. Rovin, Saks, Mendelsohn, and Boris Roustam-Bek are accused of having pocketed organizational funds, nearly $2,000 being unaccounted for by a snap audit. A parallel (anarchist) Medical Aid to Soviet Russia organization had been launched. Adding color is the comment by "P-132" that "during [Sivko's] speech several members of the Communist Party were trying to break up the meeting, but they were beaten up by members of the Union of Russian Workers, especially by Kiselev, who threw them down the stairs."

"Letter to a Comrade in Moscow regarding the 2nd National Conference of the Communist Unity Committee from Alexander Bittelman in New York, March 12, 1921."  With the 2nd Conference of the Communist Unity Committee completed, the group's Secretary, Alex Bittelman, sends an update on the American situation to its unnamed man-in-Moscow. While the CPA had gone backwards, giving more authority to its Central Executive Committee, CUC unity propaganda was having and effect among the leaders of the UCP, Bittelman indicates. As for the 3 member American Agency of the Comintern, that body had proved ineffectual, with Karlis Janson-"Scott" of the UCP and Louis Fraina of the CPA essentially sticking to the lines of their parties and "the so-called impartial chairman [Sen Katayama], is helplessly floundering between the two." Bittelman indicates that the CUC intended to demand that both underground organizations hold conventions in every district to pass resolutions upon party unity between the rival organizations. While "in general our position is very strong," Bittelman notes that "our future tactics will, of course, depend in a large measure upon the attitude of the Comintern toward the CUC. I will ask you, therefore, to make haste with your report, and communicate with us as quickly as possible."

 

"Letter to Attorney General of the US Harry Daugherty in Washington, DC from Secretary of Commerce Herbert Hoover in Washington, DC." [March 16, 1921] New Secretary of Commerce Herbert Hoover lost little time in preferring charges against the American Red Star League, which he did with this letter to new Attorney General Harry Daugherty a short time after the installation of the new Republican administration of which he was a part. Hoover was provided with printed material of the Red Star League by the mayor of Portland, Oregon, who noted the group's charge that Hoover had aided anti-labor forces during the conduct of his activities as American food administrator in Europe. Hoover writes to Daugherty of the American Red Star League: "I am certain there is no method on earth by which these people can send either shipments or money into Russia, and aside from the bold character of its literature, my impression is that this group will stand investigation from the point of view of fraud." Such an investigation followed, resulting in a report issued by special assistant to the Attorney General Warren W. Grimes around the 1st of May 1921.

 

"Letter from Ellis Island by Four Polish Communist Deportees," by W. Iwanoski, S. Ull, J. Dardzinski, and J. Kowalski [March 17, 1921] This letter from 4 leading Polish-American Communists was written on the eve of their scheduled deportation aboard the S.S. Mongolia. The deportation of 62 opponents of the capitalist state and their families, most of whom are said to "consider themselves Communists" "will not weaken the struggle because the remaining comrades will continue to work for the labor movement [which is] not the result of Bolshevist propaganda or any other factors but is a natural demonstration of the struggle for existence of the workers under the capitalistic system," the letter claims. The group is said to have formed a prisoners' soviet upon their arrival at Ellis Island for deportation and to have purchased some $500 worth of medical supplies for transport to Soviet Russia. "We say good-bye to you, Comrades, for the last time from the land of Washington and from under the Statue of Liberty. We declare that brutal violence was committed upon us and this violence cannot be justified because all our crime was that we demanded the rights for the working people and that our thoughts were going faster. Leaving this country, we do not regret anything except that we have done so little for the common cause...."

"Letter to Lewis J. Baley, Chief of the Bureau of Investigation, from Col. Matthew C. Smith, Chief of the Negative Branch, Military Intelligence Division, War Dept., March 18, 1921."  Exchange of top-level intelligence between the leading anti-radical authorities in the U.S. War Department and the Justice Department. Smith of MID notes that William Z. Foster "does not...believe there is much chance of disrupting the AF of L structure" and "is having difficulty in getting the support he expected for his Labor Herald.''  Smith notes that a counterespionage effort in the American labor movement to ferret out the spies of detective agencies and employers' bureaus, with the Farmer-Labor Party and Amalgamated Clothing Workers already taking such action.

 

"Branstetter in Interview With Eugene V. Debs: Wilson Gag on Socialist Prisoner." [Milwaukee Leader] [March 19, 1921] Following the November 1920 election, Atlanta prison authorities, apparently acting on directions of officials in the Wilson administration, seem to have cracked down on imprisoned Socialist leader Gene Debs, taking away his privilege to send or receive mail or to receive visitors. This period of holding Debs incommunicado was finally broken in March 1921 with a visit by Executive Secretary of the SPA Otto Branstetter to Debs in prison. Branstetter dispelled rumors that Debs had been physically mistreated, noting that ""His guards have the deepest respect and even affection for him, and the matter of personal mistreatment is unthinkable." Branstetter states that Debs' "rights have been restored, at the discretion of the warden, and it seems as if the matter of his gagging is an ugly incident of the past, the last foul smelling act of the discredited Wilson regime." The article also makes not that Debs' fellow political prisoner in Atlanta Joseph Coldwell of Rhode Island, had refused an opportunity at parole on more than one occasion with the words, ""While Gene is in, I will not voluntarily get out."

 

"The Case of John P. Anderson: An Investigation by the Communist Party of America," by Charles Dirba [Hearing held March 22, 1921, transmitted April 14, 1921.] One final debunking document that effectively deals a coup-de-grace to the strange and utterly unsubstantiated theory of a purported "$3 million" Comintern subsidy to the American Communist movement in 1920 (Hayes/Klehr/Firsov, 1995).... John Anderson (née Kristap Beika) was a Latvian Federationist sent to Moscow by the suspended Federations of the Socialist Party in the summer of 1919 -- effectively the CPA's first "man in Moscow." In January 1920 Anderson and CLP representative John Reed signed a document in Soviet Russia agreeing to merge the two American parties. Before they headed home, the Comintern issued each a significant quantity of jewels and valuta for the American movement -- cumulative value in the range of $30,000 to $50,000 -- to help support the American Communist movement. Neither Reed nor Anderson made it home with jewels intact, Reed being arrested in Finland and Anderson failing to cross the Latvian frontier. Late in 1920, home in America, the Comintern representatives of the United Communist Party demanded the Communist Party account for Anderson's $25,000 in missing gems, which they were no doubt angling to collect for their own use. The appropriation of gems to the American movement seems to have been news to the CPA and a party trial ensued, the minutes of which constitute this document. Anderson explains how he checked the gems in the office of a military unit, which issued receipts that Anderson took back to the Ian Berzin and Gustav Klinger at the Comintern. The Latvian reds crossing the border with the rocks met with catastrophe, captured in the woods by white forces and summarily executed. Anderson tells his convincing tale, bitterly adding his reasoning for not joining the CPA when he finally made it home to the United States early in the summer of 1920: "When I landed in the US I found the tactics of the CP more resembling a religious sect than a political party, and I considered joining the party as a useless waste of time and energy." Copious footnotes by Tim Davenport -- quite an interesting document...

 

"L.A.K. Martens Not Deported; Allowed to Go: Former Labor Secretary Now Gives New Explanation," by Laurence Todd [March 22, 1921] This article distributed by the Federated Press notes that former Soviet representative in the United States Ludwig Martens had not been deported, as was implied in the press, but rather had been permitted to depart under his own volition and at his own expense. The article quotes outgoing Secretary of Labor William B. Wilson as saying in his defense, "The decision against Martens did not end Martens' legal resources. He could still have recourse to the courts on habeas corpus proceedings. Under such circumstances it would have been months before Martens could have been deported, if at all. Consequently the Secretary of Labor permitted Martens to leave the United States without executing the deportation warrant on condition that he would leave not later than Jan. 22, 1921, and proceed to Russia at his own expense instead of at the expense of the United States."

 

"Daugherty Acts on Debs Monday: Gene Returns to Cell from Capital Without Guards: Leaves Washington After Secret Conference with Attorney General on Case - Trial Judge Also Called: Prisoner Came and Left in Silence," by Paul Hanna [March 25, 1921] This article distributed by the Federated Press details a surprising and largely unknown episode from the life of Eugene Debs -- that in March 1921 he was permitted to leave the federal penitentiary in Atlanta without escort to travel by train to meet with new Attorney General Daugherty. ""I could not go to see Debs, so Debs came to see me," Daugherty told reporters after Debs had safely returned to Atlanta. "I wanted his own answer to certain questions and Debs gave them," Daugherty said. Debs was sworn to silence on the trip, a promise which he did not violate."His sensational round trip from Atlanta to Washington is regarded as being in part a move by the administration to show the public that Eugene V. Debs is a man of spotless personal honor, no less than of unflinching devotion to his political principles. The administration has learned how to share in the drama of Debs, and to set off the villain's role played by a prominent Democrat," reporter Paul Hanna remarks. The Attorney General also sought the counsel of Judge Westenhaver of Ohio, who sentenced Debs to 10 years imprisonment on Sept. 11, 1918. Resolution of the call for amnesty in the case of Debs and all other political prisoners remaining from the late European war was expected shortly.

"J.P. Cannon Meeting at Pittsburgh," by Pittsburg SDO “Ryan” [event of March 27, 1921] One of the most highly placed Department of Justice spies in the early American Communist movement was the Pittsburgh Sub-District Organizer of the United Communist Party, pseudonym "Ryan." Ryan's reports provided the Bureau of Investigation with sufficient information to track one UCP organizer back to party headquarters in New York City, where they were successfully raided -- although whether the BoI actually realized they were raiding party headquarters rather than the apartment of a top-level member remains less clear. In this report, "Ryan" details a visit by UCP labor leader James P. Cannon -- whom "Ryan" himself introduced to the crowd of about 75. A second, open "public forum" was held in the evening in front of about 35 people, including members of the IWW, on the topic "The Need for an Active Political Party." According to "Ryan" Cannon "pointed out that this is the purpose of the Communists to form revolutionary groups within the unions, and to keep them revolutionary, so that when the time for action comes these communists are prepared to take the lead."

 

APRIL 1921

"Revolutionary Industrial Unionism versus Armed Insurrection." (leaflet of the Industrial Workers of the World) [circa April 1921] This is a rare document, a fairly thorough and quite explicit exposition of the revolutionary strategy of the Industrial Workers of the World, presented in comparison and contrast to the revolutionary strategy of the American Communist movement. The Communist strategy is regarded as being a product long on enthusiasm and short on thoughtful analysis: "Inspired by the success of the Russian Revolution, many who formerly put their faith in the ballot are now advocating armed insurrection in the United States. But these people ignore the difference between conditions in Russia at the time of the Revolution, and those now existing in this country." The leaflet notes that unlike in peasant Russia, with its small and weak capitalist strata, in the US capitalism had held sway for a number of years and grown large and strong. "To have a reasonable chance of success by armed insurrection the workers would need to have as large and well equipped an army as the capitalists," the leaflet declares, noting that "A good percentage of the workers would support the capitalists" and that those remaining "are unarmed and the great majority are untrained in the use of arms. They have no military organization. They have no means of securing arms." The result of the strategy of armed insurrection, pitting primitive hand-weapons against machine guns and poison gas, would be an unimaginable bloodbath and crushing of the workers. To this is contrasted the strategy for victory of the IWW: "It aims at the root of all capitalist power, control of industry. It advocates organization of the workers in industry in such a way that they can control industry. The power of the workers is neither political nor military, but Industrial. This is the greatest power in the world, it is the foundation that underlies all other forms of power." The leaflet declares that "The workers alone can carry on production" and observes that "in case of civil war between labor and capital, whichever side controls industry will win." Therefore, it is the steady growth of industrial organization that will prove decisive, in the IWW's view. In a revolutionary situation, transportation of enemy soldiers could be sabotaged and production of armaments halted by the direct action of the workers organized in Revolutionary Industrial Unions. "The best tactics on the part of the workers is to avoid armed insurrection unless it is actually forced upon them and work by all means in their power to increase their control of industry. In case of civil war, the success of the workers will be measured by the amount of control they exert over industry. Complete control of industry would mean complete and bloodless victory while lack of control would mean bloody slaughter and inevitable defeat," the IWW leaflet insists.

 

"The Story of Alex Howat," by James P. Cannon. [April 1921] Article from the legal Communist monthly The Liberator on Alexander Howat, one of the most important left-wing labor leaders of the day as President of District 14 of the United Mine Workers of America. Cannon deals at length with his fellow Kansan's protracted battle with the Southwestern Coal Operators' Association, who had made use of the Kansas legislature to establish an Industrial Court as a mechanism for suppressing labor discord. Lack of support by the UMWA for Howat's cause was alleged to be a contributing factor in the mine owners' uninterrupted battle with Howat.

"Constitution of The Federated Press League." [as published April 1921]  Although the left wing news service The Federated Press is familiar to many historians of American labor history in the 1920s, less known is the fact that there was an apparently short-lived organization established around that service called the Federated Press League, which from April 1921 published its own weekly newspaper, the Federated Press Bulletin. This is the initial set of organizational laws of this membership group. Membership was open to any individual 16 years of age or older, either by individual membership or by groups affiliating with the league en bloc. Primary units were to be groups called Local Councils. Organization was to be done on a state basis, with each state headed by a President and Vice-President, who together with the national Executive Secretary and Treasurer were to form a General Council. This body was to elect a 9 member Executive Board to handle ongoing operations of the League. A sliding scale of dues, payable annually, were established, with regular dues set at $5 per annum, semi-weekly service recipients set at $25, daily service recipients at $50, and life membership set at $1,000. Dues were to be payable to the local councils, who would forward 95% of their collections to the national office of the organization. Local councils were to meet monthly, annual conventions of the organization to be held annually.

"Report of the CEC of the United Communist Party on the Case of 'Adams' and 'Flat.'" [circa April 1, 1921]  Official statement by the governing Central Executive Committee of the United Communist Party of America to its membership concerning the recent battle between the CEC majority and dissident Chicago members, as yet unidentified, using the pseudonyms "Adams" and "Flat." According to the report, indiscipline began at the Dec. 1920-Jan. 1921 Kingston Convention, at which "Adams" and "Flat" attempted to resign when two of their factional allies failed to gain election to the CEC. This resignation was rejected by the convention. The pair then are said to have put the Chicago district ahead of the party as a whole by reporting directly to a Chicago District Convention on national affairs and by submitting to the discipline of that convention, which had the pair return to New York City to serve on the Editorial Board of the UCP. When the CEC attempted to change editorial policy at its publications and print a notice of the same, "Adams" and "Flat" are said to have resented the intrusion and to have resigned their editorial positions. The pair were upbraided for their "childish and irresponsible flouting of discipline" at a meeting of the CEC and threatened to make a factional issue of the dispute. A hearing was held before the CEC about this discipline issue at which the pair were asked about whether they would abide by the majority of the CEC's decision, which the Chicagoans refused to answer. The CEC decided to remove the pair from the CEC for their actions and to suspend them from the party for 3 months. Also included here is a brief summary of a CEC' special committee's findings on the testimony of Jay Lovestone in the Harry Winitsky trial. Lovestone is found to have been "ordered to take the stand by the proper authorities, with instructions not to divulge any Party information, nor to hurt the defendant’s [Harry Winitsky’s] case. Comrade Beacon [Lovestone] complied with these instructions closely. The committee found no basis for charges." Lovestone is criticized for not having  made "what is today regarded as a proper Communist stand."

"Statement to the Executive Committee of the Communist International by Suspended UCP Members 'Flat' and 'Adams.'" [circa April 1, 1921]  One still obscure chapter of the history of American Communism's underground period relates to the factional fisticuffs between two Chicago-based members of the Central Executive Committee, pseudonyms "Flat" and "Adams," and the majority faction which dominated that governing body. The two still unidentified Chicagoans were elected to the CEC by the Dec. 1920-Jan. 1921 Kingston, New York Convention. They became embroiled in a fight over unequal compensation for members of the CEC, with extra per diem expenses allowed to Alfred Wagenknecht and L.E. Katterfeld, who each had families and who justified their additional compensation by their need to maintain dual residences. "Flat" and "Adams" attempted to take the fight to the party press but were denied space, causing them to return home to Chicago in a huff without permission. This resulted in their being cashiered from the CEC and suspended from the UCP for three months for the violation of party discipline. The suspended Chicagoans raise other additional matters of difference with the CEC majority, including what they see as an "artificial territorial division of the country into numerous districts" which spreads the party's resources thin, as well as an overprinting and insufficient verification of distribution of party literature. Excessive wages to party workers are declared to be " a danger to the Party as they may attract undesirable elements.

 

"Financial Report of the National Office, United Communist Party of America. As of April 1, 1921." Although a few conservative spinmeisters will doubtlessly remain in denial, here's what the archives actually show were the quarterly revenue and expenses of the United Communist Party in Q1 of 1921. The legendary "several million dollars in valuables" said to have been funneled to the American Communist movement in 1920 seem to have...... vanished! Plain and simple, the inflation-era nominal ruble values (tsennosti) listed in document RTsKhIDNI f. 495, op. 82, d. 1, l. ? were ineptly misinterpreted in The Secret World of American Communism [Yale, 1995, listed as "Document 1"]. A fairly vast number of archival documents demonstrating the financially-strapped condition of the American Communist movement in 1920-21 were blithely ignored by the authors of this collection, Messrs. Haynes, Klehr, and Firsov. An HOAC newsgroup poster challenging their dubious assertion was brutally run down on page 73 of Haynes' and Klehr's 2003 diatribe, In Denial. Whoops! Now we know: According official figures provided in the report of Executive Secretary Alfred Wagenknecht's to the May 1921 Unity Convention at Woodstock, New York (source of this document), the UCP received $25,000 out of $50,000 disbursed in Moscow, the rest failing to arrive. This was the SUM TOTAL of the UCP's funding up to the time of the May 1921 Unity Convention. This document shows line items for Comintern and other external subsidies totaling a shade over $18,000 for the quarter -- about double the organization's dues stamp revenue for the period. (Another document for the old CPA shows a single subsidy of $19,500 received in the 10 1/2 months from July 1920 until the May 1921 convention). Let there be no mistake: this represented a very significant percentage of the early American Communist movement's total income, something in the range of 1/3 to 1/2 for the UCP, though far less than that for the old CPA. Now compare this reality to the claims made...

"To the American Council of the  Communist International: An Open Letter." [April 1, 1921]  In an effort to resolve the factional war that had split the American Communist movement and to better organize the radical movement in Mexico and other countries in the Western hemisphere at the end of 1920 the CI appointed a 3 member "American Agency," consisting of UCP member Karlis Janson-"Scott," Louis Fraina of the CPA, and an independent, the Japanese Marxist Sen Katayama, who had spent many years in the country. The American Agency proved largely ineffective in negotiating unity but ultimately supplied Moscow with sufficient information that a "shotgun wedding" could be arranged. This open letter to the American Agency appeared in the press of the Communist Unity Committee, an organized group headed by Alexander Bittelman which included pro-unity members of both the CPA and the UCP. This document is a comment upon Feb. 20 and 27, 1921 unity proposals of the American Agency to the two rival American Communist parties and their membership. The letter indicates the fight between the two governing Central Executive Committees which was obstructing unity had merely been taken underground following the Comintern's formal directive for merger. The open letter of the CUC is critical of the American Agency for its failure to "determine the reasons that brought to a deadlock the unity negotiations of the two Central Committees" and to reveal to the rank and file "how this deadlock could be broken and unity achieved." The CUC declares that neither proportional nor equal representation of the two organizations will result in authentic unity at a joint convention unless the rank and file is persuaded of the necessity of such a merger and empowered to bring it about.

 

"The Workers' Council: An Organ for the Third International," by Benjamin Glassberg [April 1, 1921] Unsigned lead editorial announcing the formation of a new publication aiming to "become the expression of revolutionary Socialism" and to carry agitation for the Third International "into working class circles that have never been reached before." The Workers' Council was clearly intended as a publication rather than as a political organization, and was closely linked to the Left Wing still inside the Socialist Party. Secretary of the Editorial Board was Benjamin Glassberg, and Secretary of the publishing association which produced the journal was Walter M. Cook -- a person depicted as a sort of Party Regular alter-ego of Julius Gerber and Adolph Germer in the pages of Theodore Draper's history of the early Communist American Communist movement. Mounting frustration with the Socialist Party is clear, the organization being characterized as "vacillating between the Second and the Third International, standing upon a platform of ineffectual reforms and parliamentarism of the kind that have, since the war, been discarded by every European socialist party outside of the Second International" and thus "not today the instrument of revolutionary working class education and action."

 

"Report to the 2nd World Congress of the Young Communist International by the Young Communist League of America and the United Communist Party of America, April 1921." This document by Young Communist League of American national organizer "H. Edwards" fully substantiates the theory that there was a communist youth section in America one year previous to the "April 1922" date claimed in the literature. Edwards gives the April 1921 Jena World Congress of the YCI a brief synopsis of the history of the radical youth movement in America. After the split of the Socialist Party in 1919, the SP's Young People's Socialist League was similarly effect. "Edwards" states that "many of the younger comrades left the League and the remaining part of the League as a whole decided to remain independent of any party while the controversy between the two Communist parties was going on." The SP regulars fought to gain control of the organization, League members were unclear of their mission, financial crisis set in, and the YPSL's national organization dissolved. "Only a few of the local or sectional organizations of it managed to remain more or less intact," says "Edwards." While the CPA and CLP indicated support in principle of a youth section, it was not until the 2nd Convention of the United Communist Party in January 1921 that real work began to organize a Young Communist League of America. In the subsequent three months, leaflets and a pamphlet were prepared, provisional rules drawn up, and organizational work done in the main cities with a UCP presence, resulting in the organization of "about 20 groups." "At the earliest possible moment a national convention of the YCL will be called, at which time the members will outline the ways, means, and policies of the organization and elect their own officials," the national organizer stated.

 

"Then and Now, April 6, 1917 - April 6, 1921." (leaflet of the Communist Party of America) [April 6, 1921] The date at the heart of this document, April 6, 1917, was the date of American entry into the European bloodbath, a war which left over 10 million dead and millions more wounded or maimed. On this the 4th anniversary of Wilson's about face on the question of American participation, the Communist Party asks the American working class to make an assessment of whether promises about the war were delivered upon and whether the escapade was worth the price. "The capitalists wanted war because they could greatly increase their profits. And increase them they did beyond those of any other country. The United States before the war was a debtor nation. Today the capitalists through their government in Washington hold a mortgage on almost every other country in the world," the leaflet declares. It adds: "But the capitalists didn't do the fighting. They stayed at home and hired out to their government for one dollar a year. Their sons were placed in positions that afforded security for life and limb. The working class was called upon to do the fighting and the paying and to produce the munitions of war." Conscription was instituted and Communist and IWW political objectors "were ground under the Iron Heel with the brutality of the Russian Tsars. The capitalist White Terror stalked through the land." The lessons of the world war are clear, the leaflet indicates: "There can be no peace while the few have the power to exploit the masses. The road to peace lies through world revolution." To this end: "The working class -- the overwhelming majority of the people - must become the ruling class. They must establish their own government -- the DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT -- THE WORKERS' GOVERNMENT IN THE FORM OF SOVIETS. This Workers' Government will suppress the counter-revolution of the capitalists. It will take over the factories and the railroads and the land. This Workers' Government will gradually introduce the Communist Society."

 

"Report to UCP Executive Secretary Alfred Wagenknecht in New York from William Costley, UCP DO10 in San Francisco, April 6, 1921." This report from the United Communist Party's San Francisco District Organizer, William Costley, deals in large part with the UCP's relationship with American blacks -- a fact which is particularly interesting given the fact that DO Costley was himself a black American. "You tell me to take those [blacks] in the party that are qualified. There are none hereabouts," Costley remarks, adding that a single correspondent in El Paso, Texas was "the only one I would pass." Costley tells Wagenknecht that "the Negroes are not a reading people, the most progressive communities have no general bookstore, there is non operated by them in the US. If you want them, special literature must be written from them. They practically know nothing of the class struggle and pending worldwide revolt of the working class. But they can be depended on to get in strong when the time comes for action." Costley also notes that German UCP groups (primary party units) in the bay area had collected $150 for the defense fund, which would be reported in his subsequent financial statement to the center.

 

"Debs Tried Out One Big Union of Railroads: Plan Weakened Craft Bodies, Says Foster," by William Z. Foster [April 6, 1921] This article distributed by the Federated Press by the former syndicalist and future Communist leader emphasizes Foster's anti-dual union perspective. While the spirit behind the effort of Gene Debs to establish a militant industrial union of railway workers in 1893 is embraced, Foster ultimately declares that the ARU's "brilliant" early victory only lead to "overconfidence" and a smashing of the union. "The advent of the American Railway Union, as is always the case with dual organizations, did great harm to the railroad craft unions. All of them were weakened and some nearly destroyed. Thousands of their best members quit them to take part in the ARU, only to find themselves blacklisted out of the railroad service later because of the lost strike," Foster declares. He adds that "The case of Debs himself is a striking example of the damage done. When he resigned his position as General Secretary-Treasurer and editor of the official journal of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen in order to form the ARU, he was a great force for progress in the old unions. Had Debs stayed with them he would have been a big factor in their future development. But he was lost to them, and that they have suffered much in consequence no unbiased observer will deny." Foster does not recognize or emphasize that the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen, from whence Debs sprung, was a fraternal and benefit society rather than a union per se -- providing cultural opportunities and accident insurance rather than engaging in collective bargaining.

 

"Soviet Russia Called by Communist Worst Tyranny in World." [Milwaukee Leader on Morris Zucker] [April 8, 1921] This short article from the pages of the Milwaukee Leader sheds a bit of additional light on the strange case of Morris Zucker, an active member of the Left Wing Section of Local New York who upon being released from prison left for Soviet Russia without passport or papers, becoming quickly entangled with the Soviet Secret Police upon arrival. Once release from prison and expelled from the country, Zucker bitterly denounced the Soviet regime in the mainstream press of the day. This article notes that Zucker left the United States in Sept. 1920 and arrived in Soviet Russia only in November -- and that he was arrested by the Cheka (as an accused spy) after only 3 days in the country. "Conditions steadily are becoming worse. What little foreign trade Russia is able to get is of no help to the people, who everywhere are the victims of tyranny and go about in a hopeless attitude because of the great and constant red terror," Zucker is quoted as declaring from Estonia.

"Draft of a CPA Appeal and Protest to the CI on the Ultimatum of the American Agency As Presented by 'Scott' [Janson]." [April 11, 1921]  Archival document outlining the position of the Communist Party of America towards the so-called "American Agency" of the Communist International, a 3-person committee assigned the task of brokering unity between the feuding Communist Party of America and United Communist Party. The CPA were put off by the fact that it was the UCP member Karlis Janson ("Scott") who was the sole individual around to implement the Comintern's unity plan, with CPA member Louis Fraina and non-factional member Sen Katayama out of the country in Mexico. The CI plan for a convention of 60 delegates, consisting of 30 from each party, is strongly opposed. "We cannot understand what new or special conditions have arisen under which a change from the previous decision of the EC of the CI for proportional representation is made necessary," the appeal declares, adding that the CPA does "recognize that the American Agency should have full power to enforce unity, but object to the AA using its power to enforce conditions which are contrary to the express conditions and decisions of the EC of the CI." Further objection is made to the plan for appointment of an Executive Secretary for the soon-to-be united organization, which is held to be a first occurrence in the annals of the Comintern. "The charge that the Federations in the CP of A are autonomous is absolutely false," the document ads. The Comintern is asked to reject the American Agency's unity plan and to restore a unity convention delegated by actual paid membership of the two participant organizations. "Whatever your final decision will be we pledge our party to carry them out implicitly," the CPA hastens to add.

"Letter to 'Comrade Stepan' in Moscow from Charles Dirba in New York, April 12, 1921."  Letter from the Executive Secretary of the Communist Party of America to the party's "man on the ground" in Moscow, the as-yet-unidentified "Comrade Stepan." With a Comintern deadline for unification of the two rival American parties just weeks away, Dirba remains insistent that the Comintern's "American Agency" (UCP member Karlis Janson, CPA member Louis Fraina, and non-party representative Sen Katayama) had "overstepped [their] authority" by issuing an ultimatum mandating a joint unity convention on the basis of equal 30 member delegations. Dirba places the blame for the undermining of the larger CPA's justifiable claim to dominate the proceeding upon Janson (pseudonym "Scott"), supported by Katayama (pseudonym "Yavki"). With respect to Fraina, Dirba notes that "his relations to the Party have been rather strained ever since he without any authority had vouched for Dr. Nosovitsky and brought him into the Amsterdam Conference in the beginning of 1920. He was officially censured for this act by the CEC. Besides there was quite a little friction between him and the CEC on account of his failure to return to this country promptly. The CEC passed two times a decision calling upon Louis [Fraina] to return immediately, none of which was carried out." Dirba provides information for "Stepan" to present to ECCI, including the group's average paid membership figure of 6,717 for the four months Dec. 1920 to March 1921 -- figures which "do not include many exemptions, which are very heavy at this time of unemployment."

 "Dept. of Justice General Intelligence Division Report on UCP Propaganda Mailed to Detroit, MI -- April 7-14, 1921," by J.S. Apelman. Department of Justice intelligence report for the Detroit district by Bureau of Investigation agent J.S. Apelman. Apelman's report makes clear the level of the DoJ's penetration of the Detroit district of the UCP. The "Electrical Installment Company" of Detroit, documented to be owned by Nathan Kosin and Benjamin Singerman (Singer), "is used by the radicals of this city as a distributing point for their literature, especially literature issued by the United Communist Party." Apelman details the seizure of 5 literature shipments from March and April 1921, quoting the shocking revolutionary prose from the South Slavic edition of Communist #10 at considerable length. Apelman also directly quotes the slogans on 9 of the 16 stickers manufactured by the UCP for their May Day 1921 propaganda blitz. This organized campaign proved to be a ludicrous debacle that resulted in 79 arrests, due largely to federal penetration of the Philadelphia, Pittsburgh UCP organizations, probable penetration of the St. Louis organization, and possible penetration in other districts of the UCP.

 

"Circular Fundraising Letter of the American Red Star League by Charles L. Drake, Secretary." [April 15, 1921] This fundraising letter from the head of the American Red Star League notes that "Conditions in the Russian Republic are far from satisfactory to those who have an interest in their fellow men. Plagues that have swept the country since the war began are still raging unchecked and taking their toll by the thousands. Women and children, because of their inherent weakness, are of course the chief sufferers. The Soviet Government is sending out a call for aid to the workers of the world. Surely you are willing to do your part to help the brave Russian people overcome the last and greatest enemy, disease? With the deadly plague of typhus under control the nation would be in fair condition to forge ahead with its constructive work and give the world an example of what a free people can accomplish unfettered by commercialism." One railroad car of soap had been shipped to Moscow in March and the shipping of 10 more cars of soap in April was projected, Drake states, the soap to be an important means of alleviating the spread of disease. "Ten dollars will sent 150 pounds of soap to the women and children. Five dollars will furnish them with 75 pounds. Will you send 150 pounds of soap to your Russian friends? If not, forward 75, 50, or 25 pounds, it will be most gratefully received."

"New Offensive Against Soviet Russia: Communication of the Amsterdam Sub-Bureau of the Third International." [c. April 15, 1921]  This communication of the short-lived Western European Bureau of the Communist International was published and distributed as a leaflet by the underground Communist Party of America. A new military assault against Soviet Russia is being prepared by world imperialism, led by Great Britain and France via Poland, the Amsterdam Bureau declares. Simultaneously Petrograd is menaced by White Finland, while the Ukraine remains under attack. In the East, the ongoing Japanese intervention in Siberia threatens the fledgling Soviet regime with a battle on two fronts. "The fate of the world is now to be decided: enslavement or freedom," the Amsterdam Bureau proclaims. It makes an explicit appeal "to all workers and to the transport workers in the very first place, to boycott all ships and goods from and for Japan. So long as the policy of intervention in Siberia is maintained, class-conscious workers should not touch any goods destined for Japan, or coming from Japan, nor should manufacture or handle the transport of such goods." With Britain judged the "mainstay" of the anti-Soviet conspiracy, "it is in the British workers, therefore, that a most important part in this struggle will fall," the Amsterdam Bureau asserts.

 

"Soviets Would Trade American War Prisoner for Convicted Communist: Would Swap Kirkpatrick for Either Larkin or Gitlow." News report in The Toiler [April 16, 1921] This news report, originating with Soviet Russia's official ROSTA Press Agency, states that the Soviet government stood ready to swap an American military prisoner, Captain Kirkpatrick, captured during the Red Army's offensive against Baron Wrangel in 1920. In exchange for Capt. Kirkpatrick, the Soviet government is said to have sought the pardon of one of two political prisoners incarcerated in American penitentiaries -- either New York journalist Benjamin Gitlow or Irish labor leader "Big Jim" Larkin. Gitlow's sentence had been affirmed by the Appellate division of the New York Supreme Court on April 1, 1921, pushing his case back into the news and quite likely serving as an inspiration for the Soviet prisoner trade offer. The article details a visit by American journalist Louise Bryant to the Andronevsky Prison Camp where Capt. Kirkpatrick was held, which was portrayed in glowing terms as a model facility by Bryant. Nevertheless, the original ROSTA account is quoted as saying that "Captain Kirkpatrick feels very peeved because the United States government has not made decisive efforts to secure his release and has requested political friends here to intercede in his behalf." Hope is held up for the possible future prisoner exchange, given the more tempered perspective of the new Harding administration towards wartime political prisoners compared to the draconian Woodrow Wilson regime.

"Letter to 'Comrade Stepan' in Moscow from Charles Dirba in New York, April 16, 1921."  Supplement to the letter of April 12, 1921 sent by Executive Secretary of the Communist Party of America Charles Dirba to his "man in Moscow," the still unidentified "Comrade Stepan," about ongoing changes in the factional battle over unity with the rival United Communist Party. Dirba indicates a hardening of the CPA's position against the unity ultimatum issued by the Comintern's 3 member "American Agency" of Janson, Fraina, and Katayama, declaring "I was wrong when I wrote in my letter of the 12th that it is possible that we may be compelled to accept the whole ultimatum in words, having all the time in mind our present appeal, and expecting that the decision of the CI will repudiate the action of the American Agency before the Convention is held. This is out of the question.... [The members] have plainly stated, and insist very strongly, that the CEC must not give in any further, must reject and stick to the rejection of all the other points of the Agency’s ultimatum." Intent on fighting externally-enforced unity conditions to the last trench, Dirba reckons that the American Agency "overstepped their power by putting up conditions not necessary and not essential to unity, and now, maintaining them, they will be absolutely violating the instructions of the CI, giving them full power to unite both parties." By way of contrast the rival UCP has accepted the American Agency's unity ultimatum in full and without reservations, Dirba reveals.

"The CUC to the American Agency of the CI (An Open Letter)." [April 17, 1921]  Another document in the ongoing unity dance between the obstructionist United Communist Party and the Communist Party of America on the one hand and the pro-unity Communist Unity Committee and American Agency of the Comintern on the other. The American Agency's April 4, 1921 communication to the unwilling partners had been met with "subterfuge and evasion" by the CPA, the open letter notes. The UCP had formally accepted the AA's proposals, "but unofficially they will put all kinds of obstacles in the way of unity," the Communist Unity Committee warns. The CUC declares that "The situation calls for deeds of a decisive and determined nature. You must be prepared to act in the interests of Unity, as your mandate actually empowers you to do, over the heads of the two ruling cliques. But for this you need an organ of expression, since you cannot expect the official party press to be at your service." Access to the CUC's publication, the bi-weekly newspaper Communist Unity, is offered to the American Agency, who is cautioned that unless a successful unity convention were to be held within the next 4 weeks, the two parties would declare the American Agency's efforts a failure and send new delegations to Moscow for the 3rd World Congress of the Comintern, where the fight would be reopened anew.

"Our Movement in Crisis." [April 20, 1921]  With the 3rd World Congress of the Comintern on slated to open on the other side of the world in June, as April came to a close a practical deadline for unity of the American Communist movement was fast approaching. This is a published summary of the situation by the pro-merger Communist Unity Committee. The timeline according to the CUC was as follows: on April 2 the three member American Agency of the Comintern had at last received a mandate from the Comintern to force unity between the two obstinate American Communist parties. This had been followed on April 4 by a letter to the two Central Executive Committees submitting this mandate and 9 conditions for merger. The UCP formally accepted the same, but covertly continued its policy of obstruction. The CPA had accepted only the concept of a unity convention presided over by a "neutral" chairman, while holding out reservations to the other 8 conditions of the American Agency.  The leadership of the CPA "contest the right of the Agency to bind the convention with conditions. The fact that the Agency has been given by the Communist International full power does not worry them a bit. They just don’t want to accept the conditions." The threat of a permanent split of the American movement loomed, in the view of the CUC. It was therefore up to the rank and file to "be ready to properly perform its supreme and difficult task of electing the right persons to the Joint Unity Convention," since the ruling machines "will stop at nothing, no matter how low, to crush and exterminate the real and sincere defenders of the cause of Unity," the CUC declares.

 

"On Unity: Telegram Sent Jointly to the Communist Parties in America by their Representatives in the Communist International," by Nicholas Hourwich and Max Bedacht [April 21, 1921] Brief cable sent from the Moscow-based representatives of the Communist Party of America and United Communist Party to their respective Central Executive Committees disavowing the authority of the "American Agency" of the Comintern to establish specific preconditions for a unity convention -- such details to be left to be decided by the convention itself. The cable reads: "Authorized by [ECCI] to state [American Agency] has no authority to press 5 conditions. Equal basis [in size of party delegation] and [neutral] chairman [Unity Convention] with voice but no vote is enough and all is necessary. Other conditions are not pertaining to preliminary arrangements and are subject to decision of [Unity Convention]."

 

"W.D. Haywood Now in Russia, Chicago Rumor." [Milwaukee Leader] [April 21, 1921] Official history of the life of William D. "Big Bill" Haywood emphasizes the fact that he was driven from the country by arbitrary and draconian judicial fiat. What is not emphasized, however, is the way that in fleeing from imprisonment Haywood broke faith and discipline with his former organization, the Industrial Workers of the World, and the codefendants with whom he was sentenced -- who were engaged in trying to win their freedom as a group as political prisoners from the late European war. This news report from the pages of Victor Berger's Milwaukee Leader breaks the news of Haywood's flight from justice (using that term loosely) as part of a group of 7 delegates to the Founding Congress of the Red International of Trade Unions, who sailed from New York on March 31, 1921 for Stockholm. Haywood had failed to report back to Leavenworth Prison after the failure of his appeal before the US Supreme Court, prompting Chicago District Attorney Charles W. Clyne to engage the Department of Justice in a nationwide search for Haywood.

 

"Haywood Joins Communists; Quits IWW." [Milwaukee Leader] [April 23, 1921] This Federated Press news account quotes unnamed friends of bail jumper Bill Haywood to the effect that Haywood "has joined the Communist Party and has definitely severed all connection with the IWW." Haywood had "definitely aligned himself with the Communist Party" about the first of 1921, according to this account. Trying to keep hopes alive for a pardon of the mass of IWW political prisoners left in limbo by Haywood's ill-timed and self-centered flight, attorney for the IWW prisoners Harry Weinberger said, "In my opinion the failure of Bill Haywood or of anyone else to appear for imprisonment can in no way affect the broad principle of political amnesty, which includes the Industrial Workers of the World, and which the administration should immediately put into effect."

"In Re: United States versus William D. Haywood et al.," by Louis Loebl [April 23, 1921]  Report of Bureau of Investigation Special Agent Louis Loebl on the unexpected decision of William D. "Big Bill" Haywood to jump bail and gain asylum in Soviet Russia. Haywood and other members of the Industrial Workers of the World had been out on bond pending appeal of a 20 year federal prison sentence. Loebl reports that the IWW declared its ignorance of knowing beforehand Haywood's intentions, and that they had learned of their former leader's decision only from published accounts in the mainstream press on the afternoon of April 21, when the story broke. The Federated Press, a left wing news service, was investigated by the BoI in an attempt to determine the source and the timing of the information about Haywood's escape. Loebl indicates that the Federated Press had received a telegram on the evening of April 20 detailing Haywood's departure for Moscow, via Stockholm and Riga, aboard the Oscar II. The Federated Press then transmitted the information to 23 newspapers subscribing to its press service only in its dispatch of April 22, i.e. after the story had already broke. Haywood had subsequently severed all connections with the IWW and joined the Communist Party, E.J. Costello of the Federated Press had later reported.

 

"Letter to the Central Executive Committee of the United Communist Party in New York from Max Bedacht ["James A. Marshall"], Representative of the UCP to ECCI in Moscow, April 25, 1921." First of a flurry of 5 letters to the CEC of the United Communist Party about the urgent need for immediate unification with the Communist Party of America penned between the last week of April and the third week of May by the UCP's man in Moscow, Max Bedacht. Bedacht notes that the stock of the American Communist movement had fallen to its nadir among the councils of the Comintern: "Matters have reached the point that the [ECCI leadership] considers the American branch more as a nuisance than as a bona fide [viable Communist organization]. I know that you will say: 'But why don't you tell them and explain to them.' I will answer that nobody wants to listen to me, that most of the doors are closed to me, and that wherever one of the doors is reluctantly opened, they do not leave me in doubt that they consider me but one of those more numerous 'representatives,' each one of whom had a different story to tell." Bedacht states that Grigorii Zinoviev had stated definitely that "as far as [the Comintern] is concerned, there will be no further action. Its last decision [on the American situation, calling for unification with a drop-dead deadline of June 1, 1921] is final." Unless such union were achieved, both the UCP and CPA would be barred from the forthcoming 3rd World Congress of the Comintern and a new Communist Party established in America ignoring the previously existing organizations, Bedacht warns. Bedacht details the twisted saga of the Comintern's "American Agency" of Janson, Fraina, and Katayama, noting that the group initially "had full power to settle [the unity] question once and for all." However, the AA had shown itself unable to take "decisive action," forcing ECCI to grudgingly take up the American question again. Thereafter, the American Agency had lost its backing as a plenipotentiary force. Bedacht quotes Zinoviev as saying "it would seem very peculiar indeed if this agency, so long unable to fulfill its mission, would again be instructed to do the thing which it proved itself unable to do." Consequently, Zinoviev had told Bedacht that the unity matter now rested with the Americans themselves.

 

"The Philadelphia Red Raids," by Erasmo S. Abate [raids of April 25/26, 1921] During the night of April 25/26, 1921, some 38 members and sympathizers of the American Communist movement were arrested in Philadelphia in conjunction with the planned distribution of May Day leaflets and charged under the state Anti-Sedition Act, which called for penalties of 1-20 years in prison and a fine of up to $10,000. This article from the UCP's legal English language weekly, The Toiler, details the background and judicial outcomes of many of these cases. One meeting in a private residence was raided without warrant, Erasmo Abate recounts, resulting in the arrest of 12 men and women "upon the seeming presumption that a meeting of the United Communist Party was being conducted there." The police ransacked the home, stealing "valuable articles" and $100 in cash, and raiding the wine cellar -- "the 'honest' guardians of the law got drunk, came to a fight, and shot each other," Abate notes. Pennsylvania test cases of the state's Anti-Sedition Law had gone both directions, with a defendant named Harry Belavsky convicted and the constitutionality of provisions of the law seriously questioned by the court in the case of W.B. Brukas. All 38 defendants of the April 25/26 raid were released on $5,000 bail, with an additional $1,000 tagged on to 20 defendants who faced possible deportation. An appeal for funds on behalf of the "Workers Defense and Relief Committee of Pennsylvania" is made.

"The United Communist Party in Pittsburgh," by H.J. Lenon and SDO “Ryan” [April 25-27, 1921]  Report of Bureau of Investigation Special Agent H.J. Lenon incorporating reports of his key informer, the United Communist Party's Pittsburgh Sub-District Organizer, pseudonym "Ryan" (as yet unidentified). "Ryan" puts into motion an operation which would shortly pay results in a raid on the UCP's secret headquarters in New York City when he identifies UCP CEC member Edward Lindgren as having arrived in Pittsburgh for an estimated two week training session on April 25. Lindgren and "Ryan" planned to drive to East McKeesport, PA to pick up May Day leaflets and stickers for distribution. Kept abreast of all Lindgren's doings by their spy "Ryan," an unscheduled return of Lindgren to the city on April 27 to attend a meeting of the Central Executive Committee provided the opportunity for the BoI to follow him back to the location of secret party headquarters, located in the apartment of Helen Ware.

 

"Department of Justice Surveillance Report of the Activities of Edward Lindgren, April 23-28, 1921." by Clarence D. McKean" This Department of Justice Bureau of Investigation report reveals two interesting facts about the underground American Communist movement. First: how was an illegal organization able to distribute illegal literature, fliers with print runs running into the hundreds of thousands? "It was decided to distribute the May Day leaflets at the discretion of the distributors, with the limitation that the literature must be put out some time after dark Friday night [April 29] and before daylight the following morning." Such bulk literature drops in the dead of night must have been terrifically ineffective. Second, the encyclopedic contents of every meeting which Lindgren attended, detailed in this document, make it clear that the UCP apparatus was penetrated by a DoJ agent at the very highest level in Pittsburgh -- either the DO or the SDO. Further: it was this top-level penetration in Pittsburgh that set in motion the raid and arrest of Lindgren, Jakira, and Amter in New York City. "Much of the information contained in this report was received from a confidential source; therefore, the Bureau Offices furnished with copies are respectfully requested to handle the information contained herein in such a manner as not to embarrass our informant," Agent McKean notes. The arrest was made far, far away from where the tail picked up -- the secret agent's identity was preserved.

 

"Roger Baldwin Raps Haywood's 'Desertion.'" [Milwaukee Leader] [April 29, 1921] Roger Baldwin, Director of the American Civil Liberties Union, issued a sharp critique of Bill Haywood's decision to jump bail and flee to Soviet Russia rather than return to Leavenworth Penitentiary in the Spring of 1921, following loss of his appeal to the Supreme Court of the United States. Baldwin criticizes the "ordinary Communist propaganda, intended to justify Haywood's desertion of the IWW defense organization and of his bondsmen, by stressing his new allegiance to the Communist Party, whose members are under a discipline which admits no personal judgment or other loyalties." Baldwin continues that "We do not question Haywood's motives. We do question the spirit and methods of a movement which has so little concern with loyalty to the elementary obligations of good faith to one's fellows."

 

"Department of Justice Surveillance Report of the Activities of Edward Lindgren, April 27-30, 1921," by Dan E. Tatom This Bureau of Investigation document records the first-hand account of the activities of the Pittsburgh-based agent who followed UCP leader Edward Lindgren from Pittsburgh to New York by train, en route to a sensational raid on UCP headquarters and Lindgren's arrest. Agent Tatom stayed in another berth of the same railway sleeper car used by Lindgren and kept him under close observation throughout the trip. He missed connections with his relief in the crowded Pennsylvania station in New York City on the next day, but managed to tag with Lindgren through the streets of New York until Lindgren stopped and the location could be phoned in to headquarters. Tatom then helped follow Lindgren as he made a multi-box mail drop of illegal newspapers, peeling off the surveillance at one mailbox to have the mail carrier band and and hold Lindgren's mail until a search warrant could be obtained. This is indicative that there were legal constraints on seizing and opening mail to which the DoJ/BoI was subject.

 

"In Re: Communist Activities -- John E. Siebert, aliases Lindgren, Flynn, Landy, Lang, and Smith. by Al Weitsman [Events of April 29, 1921] Department of Justice Bureau of Investigation report by one of the Special Agents assigned to trail United Communist Party organizer "John Siebert" (believed by them to be the real name of Edward Lindgren), who had been shadowed to New York by an agent of the Bureau from Pittsburgh. This account provided additional fine detail about events leading up to his arrest. Most interesting for the fact that even though there was a major, multi-state effort to trail Lindgren, set in motion by an informer in the top ranks of the Pittsburgh UCP organization, and despite reams of surveillance reports on the American Communist movement, the Bureau of Investigation still did not know LIndgren's real name. Evidence that the constantly changing pseudonyms of the underground movement did their work in keeping the hundreds of agents and informers of the Bureau of Investigation off balance.

 

"Department of Justice Surveillance Report of the Activities of Edward Lindgren, Abram Jakira, and Israel Amter, April 29-30, 1921," by Edward Anderson. Warrants? We don't need no stinking warrants... Surveillance and arrest report in the case of Lindgren, Jakira, and Amter. Having trailed the UCP National Organizer from Pittsburgh to New York City by train, DoJ gumshoes and the NYC Bomb Squad saw their quarry, Edward Lindgren, pass a package to Abram Jakira; they followed Jakira as he carried it to the apartment of Helen Ware. "Agents noticed a number of suspicious characters going into this house, so Detective Murphy called up Sergeant Gegan of the Bomb squad, who said that he would be right over to raid the place." A valuable trove of United Communist Party documents and literature was seized in the raid (kindly saved for posterity by the fuzz), and Lindgren, Amter, and Jakira carted off to jail, where they were held initially without bail, later set at $50,000.

 

"Re: A. Jakira (formerly reported as Jakera and Jackera and Iakira): United Communist Party: National Secretary," by C.J. Scully [April 30, 1921] A summary of Bureau of Investigation file information on Abram Jakira, recently arrested at the headquarters of the UCP, prepared by New York City Special Agent in Charge C.J. Scully. Scully's synopsis of file material includes the verbatim quotation of an extensive report by Special Agent M.J. Davis that illuminates the technical aspect of the Communist Labor Party's literature production in 1919 (as well as the operating procedure of the DoJ's Bureau of Investigation). A flyer entitled "HANDS OFF SOVIET RUSSIA" was printed for Jakira and the CLP by the Chatham Printing Co., proprietor of which was Alexander Trachtenberg. Trachtenberg's bookkeeper, Abraham Goodman, was an informant for the Department of Justice and brought the leaflet to their attention, keeping the Bureau of Investigation apprised of the shop's doings on behalf of the radical movement. This work was said to have been paid for cash-in-advance and kept off the books by Trachtenberg so as to avoid a paper trail. Abram Jakira was the recipient and distributor of the finished printed publications; the Department of Justice was intent on proving that he was but a transmission mechanism for funding from the office of Ludwig Martens (the Russian Soviet Government Bureau). Trachtenberg initially denied having produced the "HANDS OFF SOVIET RUSSIA" leaflet at all, a claim which bookkeeper Abraham Goodman pronounced to be a lie in a further interview with the Bureau. The story is picked up in a later file item, in which four agents of the Bureau of Investigation served a search warrant on Trachtenberg's print shop, and found there 10,000 party cards printed for the Communist Party of America, postcards printed for the CLP, a Yiddish language edition of The Class Struggle (a CLP publication), and leaflets for the Newark branch of the CLP. In the course of his interview with the BoI, Trachtenberg implicated the print shop of CLP member Eugene Krug for having printed the Ukrainian language official organ of the CLP -- although a still later document in this series indicates the the DoJ already had an informer in that establishment as well.

 

"Red Headquarters Are Raided Here; Revolt Plan Bared: Bomb Squad and Federal Agents Seize Literature Calling for May Day Revolution: Two Found in Apartment: Documents Indicate They are High Officials of Russia's Third International: Third Arrested in Theatre: Is Delegate to "Underground Convention" -- Papers Show Moscow Directed Conspiracy Here." [April 30, 1921] Unsigned New York Times report of the April 29, 1921 raid on the National Headquarters of the United Communist Party in New York City. The melodramatic reporter's account here is amended with numerous footnotes by Tim Davenport comparing assertions made to the documentary evidence present in Bureau of Investigation agent reports and files. The most interesting aspect of the report is its function as a record of the way the Bureau of Investigation saw the United Communist Party: a group comprised of a majority of Russians, Poles, and Italians, often illiterate, with "a surprisingly large number of Negroes" and particular strength in the mining districts of Pennsylvania and West Virginia -- a band plotting bloody insurrection at the behest of Moscow. This was a manifestation of popular fear and prejudice rather than objective reality but is nonetheless an important snapshot of official mentality driving the repression.

"On Linn A.E. Gale: Excerpt from General Intelligence Bulletin for Week Ending April 30, 1921," by Gus T. Jones.  Short excerpt from the weekly report of the Bureau of Investigation's San Antonio District Superintendent, Gus T. Jones, detailing the fate of draft resister and Communist magazine publisher Linn A.E. Gale. Jones notes that Gale arrived at the guardhouse of Fort Sam Houston on April 28, 1921 and had immediately "given the Military Intelligence a long statement concerning radical activities and persons in Mexico and in fact has betrayed all his former associates in the belief that this will cause lenience on trial." Gale remained in custody to face charges of desertion.

 

MAY 1921

"Don't Be So Sure of Your Job!" (leaflet of the United Communist Party) [circa May 1921] Aside from publishing newspapers and giving speeches to one another at various meetings and conventions, the only "revolutionary" activity conducted by the underground Communist movement of the early 1920s involved the periodic mass distribution of cheaply printed newsprint leaflets. These were printed in runs running into the hundreds of thousands and then stealthily scattered around various industrial cities of the north over the course of one or a few dark nights. This "leaflet no. 2" of the United Communist Party from the spring of 1921 attempts to turn the fear of unemployment into mass strike action: "Force the government to take care of [the unemployed]! Fight for shorter hours with no reduction of pay, so they can get back on the job! Fight for opening up trade with Soviet Russia, so there will be work!" These strikes would be met with opposition, the leaflet noted: "Of course, the courts will issue injunctions against us. The government will send troops against us. Soldiers, police, thugs, legionnaires, and vigilantes will be lined up against us." There was a solution, however, painted in rosy hues: "The Russian workers showed us what to do. They overthrew their BOSSES' government and set up a WORKERS' Government. They took over the industries and ran them ONLY for the workers. They threw out all idlers and bloodsuckers! They put an end to unemployment. They became the OWNERS OF THEIR JOBS!"

*** PUBLICATION ***  The Proletarian, vol. 3, no. 6 [May 1921]  (Graphic pdf, large file, 2.3 megs.) Full issue of the official magazine of the Proletarian Party of America. This issue contains: Cover art by Breit [V.M. Breitmayer]; John Keracher: "Labor Awakens"; John Keracher: "Reply to Albert Bell [pseud.], Member CEC, UCP"; John Keracher: "May Day"; Ern Reen: "America's Reply to Soviet Russia"; H.M. Wicks: "Another SP 'Left Wing' Develops"; E.J.M.: "Progress and Revolution"; John Keracher: "International Notes" (Asia Minor, Georgia, England); Murray Murphy: "Critics of Communism"; V.M. Breitmayer: "Mary Opens the Factories: A Farce in 31 Pages and A Prologue" (Polemic against Open the Factories by Mary Marcy); "Wages"; "UCP Minority Action."

 

"In Re: Communist Activities -- Special Report," by C.J. Scully [May 1, 1921] A summary of the operation which netted the arrest of Edward Lindgren, Abram Jakira, and Israel Amter in a raid on the National Headquarters of the United Communist Party. This account is written by the Special Agent in Charge of the New York Office of the Department of Justice's Bureau of Investigation -- the commander at the desk rather than the agents on the street. As such, Scully is in position to provide the important tidbit that the operation to trail Lindgren from Pennsylvania to New York related to a belief that he was leaving "to attend a convention of Communist deputies." Rather than tracking Lindgren back to UCP headquarters, the secret police believed that he was leading them to the site of a convention -- thus the scale of the operation and the eagerness to launch an immediate raid. Two other things bear mention about this report: first, it once again indicates the extreme difficulty that literally HUNDREDS of BoI agents, undercover operatives, and informants had in connecting the thousands of ever-changing party pseudonyms with the actual individuals. Even after days of tracking him, based on top level intelligence inside the Pittsburgh UCP apparatus, it was an extremely lengthy process for the authorities to positively identify the man they called "Flynn" and later tentatively identified as "Siebert" as Edward Lindgren. One sees such difficulty again and again in the Bureau of Investigation's files. Secondly, the ease of a warranteless raid on a residence by the New York Police's Bomb Squad stands in marked contrast to the difficulty the BoI had in seizing and opening the mail deposited by Lindgren in a postal mail box. Requests needed to be made of postal officials to hold this mail and then a formal search warrant obtained -- an altogether different standard of legality and privacy rights than that afforded the domicile.

 

"Spies and Traitors! [re: Morris Zucker]" [Published circa May 1, 1921] This is a short, unsigned news snippet from the 16th and final issue of the United Communist Party's official organ making note of the return of Morris Zucker from Soviet Russia. Zucker, formerly a leading figure in the Left Wing Section of the Socialist Party and a founding member of the Communist Labor Party, traveled to Russia in November 1920 and soon ran afoul of the Cheka, who imprisoned him as a suspected spy, only releasing him towards the first of April 1921 on condition of his immediate departure from the country. Zucker is characterized as a "traitor to the workers" and a "turncoat," since "he comes back a 'disillusioned' man! It is his intention to agitate against the Russian Government!" The short news item closes with a rather ominous warning: "Is Zucker a traitor and spy? If he is, let him take care!" Includes a brief biographical footnote on Morris Zucker.

 

"May Day: Labor's International Holiday." (leaflet of the Communist Party of America) [distributed for May 1, 1921] Another in a series of CPA leaflets intended to agitate for insurrection. "The bosses - the capitalist class -- have organized to crush you. They openly declare that they intend to smash your unions - destroy your resistance -- reduce your wages and bring you to the level of serfs. This May Day you must demonstrate. Let us answer their challenge. Let us resolve this May Day to prepare for the REVOLUTION," the leaflet declares. Unless dramatic action were soon taken, the prospects facing American workers were grim, in the leaflet's estimation: "What are the prospects which confront us if the capitalist slave drivers remain in power? Nothing but new wars, slavery, billions upon billions of taxes, poverty, starvation, and perpetual oppression." No punches are pulled as to the means of the necessary change: "The Government of the US was established by FORCE; it is maintained by FORCE; it will be destroyed by FORCE." Only in Soviet Russia would the workers be celebrating May Day as "free men," the leaflet states. "This May Day let us resolve to PREPARE for the destruction of the capitalist government and the establishment of a WORKERS' GOVERNMENT -- The Dictatorship of the Proletariat -- in America. Let us ORGANIZE to build a SOVIET REPUBLIC in America. The road to working class freedom lies through REVOLUTION," the leaflet concludes.

 

"May Day of Revolution." [UCP leaflet written by Israel Amter] [distributed for May 1, 1921] This 1921 May Day leaflet of the United Communist Party features the purple prose of Israel Amter, author of a legendary and laughable leaflet of similar vintage which attempted to use hysterical verbiage to singlehandedly create a revolutionary situation out of a Brooklyn streetcar strike. The concert violinist Amter shrilly declares: "We, American Workers, will no more stand the tyranny of the bosses and of their government. We have had enough. The United States Government stands for the bosses against the Workers! It uses the law-making bodies, the courts and its troops against the Workers. THEN WE MUST DESTROY THE UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT! We must overthrow it and put in its place a Workers' Government. We must uphold the Workers' Government with a strong army, to crush the bosses and all who support them! We must prepare for the Revolution - there is no other way! May Day of Revolution is here! * * * LET US PREPARE FOR THE REVOLUTION!"

"May Day! Red Labor Day!" [distributed for May 1, 1921]  Leaflet of the underground United Communist Party of America in celebration of May Day 1921, issued over the signature of a front group, the "American Freedom Foundation" and seemingly targeted to a trade union audience. The leaflet notes that the "bosses are united in a league to smash the Workers," eradicating the unions in favor of the open shop. Meanwhile in Soviet Russia the workers had gained freedom, while civil war swept Germany and Italy and rebellion percolated in India, Persia, Egypt, Korea, Turkey, and Asia Minor. "Revolt is in the air: REVOLUTION is the watchword!" the leaflet proclaims. Therefore, "this year, we must all get out and demonstrate. This year, all the organized and unorganized and the unemployed must get together in a tremendous demonstration. Your union must help the demonstration, Brothers and Fellow Workers!" the leaflet insists.

1921 May Day Propaganda Stickers of the United Communist Party. [distributed for May 1, 1921]  Rough approximations of five propaganda stickers produced by the United Communist Party with an aim to their surreptitiously mass posting in celebration of May Day 1921. Slogans include: "Unemployed: Mobilize May 1st," "Workers, the U.S. is Yours — TAKE IT," "Hail Soviet America, May Day," "Workers, Show Your Power, Demonstrate May 1," and "Overthrow Capitalism, Long Live Communism." The propaganda stickers do not seem to have had the intended effect of bringing millions of workers in the streets intent upon the overthrow of capitalism but would have looked pretty rad on the skateboard decks of the day, had there been skateboards in 1921.

 

"William D. Haywood, Communist Ambassador to Russia," by David Karsner. [May 1, 1921] In 1921, the Supreme Court of the United States affirmed the conviction and 20 year sentence of IWW leader William D. Haywood under the so-called Espionage Act. Rather than return to the federal penitentiary at Leavenworth, Kansas, Haywood instead jumped bail and emigrated to Soviet Russia. This article, published in the illustrated Sunday supplement of the Socialist Party-affiliated New York Call assesses "Big Bill" Haywood's career as a revolutionary labor leader and attempts to analyze the thinking behind Haywood's decision to escape American justice for foreign shores. The author of this article, David Karsner, the editor of The Call's Sunday magazine and the first biographer of Eugene Debs, was not unsympathetic to Haywood's plight.

 

"Stedman's Red Raid," by Robert Minor. [May 1, 1921] Full text of a pamphlet produced by the UCP's Toiler Publishing Association detailing a particularly disgusting footnote to the 1919 split of the Socialist Party. Minor indicates that in the immediate aftermath of Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer's anti-red raid of January 2, 1920, Socialist Party attorneys Seymour Stedman and Lazaras Davidow attempted to expropriate the assets of the Socialist Party of Michigan under the flimsy pretext that as "Communists" the expelled Michiganites of the party's holding company were participants in a criminal organization which "advocated the overthrow of the government by force and violence." At bottom of this scheme was a Detroit headquarters building owned by the Michigan party, represented by Minor as having approximately $90,000 of equity. Stedman issued a Bill of Complaint paralleling the criminal charges of the state against the unfortunate Michigan party members already jailed for alleged violation of the state's Criminal Syndicalism law. He then red-baited the members of the legitimate holding company on the stand in an attempt to have the property awarded to a hastily gathered and minuscule Michigan "organization" retaining ties to the national SPA. Minor states that when they were at last confronted about their uncomradely behavior by concerned Socialist Party members, Stedman and Davidow thereafter lied and mislead their inquisitors as to their actions and had a further smoke screen laid by SPA National Executive Secretary Otto Branstetter with a fallacious news release of his own to the socialist press. A sordid tale of greed, deceit, and foul play...

 

"The American Red Star League: A Report by the Bureau of Investigation," by Warren W. Grimes [circa May 1, 1921] This is the final report of the Department of Justice on an investigation set in motion by Secretary of Commerce Herbert Hoover on March 16, 1921. Hoover had charged that the American Red Star League was raising money under false pretenses, as he was certain "there is no method on earth by which these people can send either shipments or money into Russia." In response, the Bureau of Investigation had analyzed the claims and activities of the American Red Star League, a radical competitor to the American Red Cross to see if charges of fraud could be sustained. Grimes indicates that the American Red Star League had been "created after numerous protests by local communists against the misappropriation of funds collected by the Soviet Russia Medical Relief Society" headed by A.M. Rovin and Boris Roustam-Bek. "The affairs of that Society were turned over to a committee of the United Communist Party of Detroit and Chicago," Grimes states, with Charles L. Drake, formerly head of the Western Office of the Soviet Russian Medical Relief Society, and Mrs. Moses Stroud the most active individuals behind the new organization. Officers of the American Red Star League included Drake as Secretary, Illinois labor leader Duncan McDonald as President, Swan Johnson as Treasurer, Rev. Irwin St. John Tucker as organizer, Dr. R.B. Green as medical adviser, and Lincoln Steffens as lecturer. Grimes concludes: "From the information at hand, I can find nothing tangible on which to base an assumption of fraud or, in fact, a violation of any law. Inevitably, of course, there will be irregularities -- there always have been in organizations of this kind. The Soviet Russia Medical Relief Society experienced them -- and this very scheme grew out of those irregularities. But the evidence shows that both organizations have at least made shipments. While the 'Declaration of Principles' and the personnel of the directorate clearly indicate the likelihood of both questionable faith and propaganda opportunities which undoubtedly will be worked to the limit; and while the activities of the organization and its officers should and will be followed closely, there appears nothing on which the Department could take extraordinary action at present."

 

"Appeal to American Workers." (leaflet of the American Bureau, International Council of Trade and Industrial Unions [RILU]) [May 1921] Before the role was filled by the Trade Union Educational League (TUEL), the program of the Red International of Labor Unions was advanced in the United States by the "American Bureau of the International Council of Trade and Industrial Unions." This is a rare early leaflet of the "American Bureau," produced in a run of 40,000 copies and distributed by the Communist Party. A grim situation faces the world, the leaflet indicates: "The specter of starvation haunts the entire world. Victors and vanquished of the late war alike tremble before it. This breakdown of the whole fabric of capitalism is accompanied by a savage drive upon the workers by the massed power of the employing class. The Master Class has declared war on Labor. This war rages in all countries." White terror was being employed around the world -- in the United States as well as Hungary; an open shop campaign had been launched to break American unions; 4 million American workers remained unemployed; new wars were plotted. In response, the leaflet advocates an opening of trade relations with Soviet Russia to provide a willing market for American products and to restore industry. Further, workers are urged that their own international organization is necessary to fight the international organization of the capitalists in the League of Nations. The International Council of Trade and Industrial Unions (RILU), based in Moscow, is just the organization needed by workers, the leaflet claims, standing in stark opposition to the "capitalist international" as well as the "yellow Amsterdam international," whose " traitorous leaders, whose hands are stained with the blood of 13 million workers." The social democratic Amsterdam International is cast in a particularly noxious light, as "agents of the bourgeoisie in the camp of the workers." American workers are urged to take up the issue of international affiliation at local union meetings and to influence their national unions to affiliate with RILU: "You cannot remain neutral. There can be no neutrality between the workers and the capitalists. You are for the dictatorship of the workers or you are for the dictatorship of the capitalists."

 

"Letter to the Central Executive Committee of the United Communist Party in New York from Max Bedacht ["James A. Marshall"], Representative of the UCP to ECCI in Moscow, May 4, 1921." Second of a flurry of 5 letters to the CEC of the United Communist Party about the urgent need for immediate unification with the Communist Party of America penned between the last week of April and the third week of May by the UCP's man in Moscow, Max Bedacht. A range of matters are covered, including the need for the American party to send (open) addresses to receive Comintern publications by mail, the establishment by the UCP's European Comintern contact "Latimer" of an office in Christiana, Norway (presumably) to serve as a distributing center for Comintern "goods" throughout the world, brief comment about Morris Zucker and Leonid Belsky ("Ed Fisher") being in the bad graces of the Cheka in Soviet Russia, news that the Proletarian Party of America had attempted to attain status as American Comintern affiliate, and emphasis of the need for all American Communists traveling to Moscow to carry letters of recommendation including extensive reviews of their personal political histories. Bedacht once again emphasizes his desire to eliminate Nicholas Hourwich from the Moscow scene -- not only as a representative of the American Party to the Comintern, but also as a delegate to the forthcoming 3rd World Congress of the Comintern, if possible. "If you find yourself powerful enough to do that, make a thorough job of it," Bedacht urges. Bedacht closes with a personal note to Executive Secretary of the UCP Alfred Wagenknecht sharply criticizing him for his failure to send word from Bedacht's wife to him in Moscow. " During the whole period of my absence I have not had a line from home. And you in your letters do not find it necessary to even mention the state of affairs at home. This is unbearable. You had better prepare now for the championship fight you will have on hand when I get back," Bedacht warns, adding that he has found the role of UCP representative to the Comintern to be, instead of an honor, "quite a tedious and disagreeable job."

"Membership Bulletin of the United Communist Party." [circa May 5, 1921]  Summary of activities of the United Communist Party compiled by the center for the benefit of the organization's underground membership. The distribution of "nearly 2 million" May Day leaflets and stickers by "several thousand comrades" is claimed. Attempting to spin a catastrophic failure of organizational security as a triumph, the UCP leadership declares that "raids upon two of our workplaces here [in New York] gave the enemy very little information that will harm us, as our vital centers are well covered and safe. They resulted in publicity worth tens of thousands of dollars to our movement." The raids did not compromise safehouse names and addresses, the bulletin notes. The success of the UCP's 1921 May Day event in New York City  relative to similar parallel activities hosted by the rival Communist Party of America and Socialist Party is puffed up into evidence that the UCP had emerged as "the acknowledged 'vanguard of the class-conscious workers' of the US." The bulletin also notes that "The UCP now has affiliations in 20 languages. A special Negro group is also affiliated and others are in process of formation."

 

"1920 Financial Report of Charles H. Kerr & Co., Book Publishers." [May 5, 1921] A mimeographed financial report sent out by America's largest socialist publisher, Charles H. Kerr & Co. to its cooperative stockholders. Kerr announces the forthcoming publication of The Shop Book, planned to be an occasional publication, to replace the suppressed International Socialist Review. It is noted that 1920 export trade was "almost entirely cut off" by the depreciation of the pound, which made it impossible for English booksellers to buy Kerr publications economically. In addition, "the price of paper, printing, and binding almost doubled," resulting in a large increase in unsold inventories. One of three highlighted new publications, William Z. Foster's The Railroaders' Next Step, was actually published by the Trade Union Educational League -- another sign of the waning influence of Kerr as the leading radical publisher in America. Includes a full financial report of Receipts v. Expenditures and Assets v. Liabilities.

 

"Note to Leon Trotsky Regarding a Survey on Conditions in America Distributed in Advance of the 1st World Congress of RILU from Earl Browder, Delegate, in Moscow, May 9, 1921." Short addendum to responses made by others to a survey circulated by Leon Trotsky among delegates to the 1921 World Congress of the Red International of Labor Unions. UCP member and RILU congress delegate Earl Browder writes to Trotsky about future revolutionary possibilities in America. Browder declares that "mass-action of the workers in America almost invariably springs from the ranks of organized labor or finds its expression in the attempt to organize. It is usually defeated and dispersed by some definite act of submission of the union officials to the capitalists or to the capitalist state." The volatile events of 1919, with strikes in steel, mining, and on the railroads, demonstrated "that it is within the realm of possibility, in the immediate future, for the Communists of America to take over the direction of the labor movement if they could be given a clear idea of the technical requirements for labor union leadership and administration. A compact, well educated Communist minority in the great mass organizations, united upon a clear program of practical action, can obtain the strategical positions of power in organized labor. With these positions the masses can be thrown into direct conflict with the state whenever a similar situation arises, like that of 1919." Browder therefore feels it of primary importance that Communist activists be instructed so as to be able to fulfill the technical requirements needed for union leadership."

 

"Letter to the Central Executive Committee of the United Communist Party in New York from Max Bedacht ["James A. Marshall"], Representative of the UCP to ECCI in Moscow, May 13, 1921." Third of a flurry of 5 letters to the CEC of the United Communist Party about the urgent need for immediate unification with the Communist Party of America penned between the last week of April and the third week of May by the UCP's man in Moscow, Max Bedacht. Bedacht continues to attempt to inform Executive Secretary Wagenknecht and the CEC that it is urgently necessary that they solve the unification question themselves. Bedacht writes: "You ask me to give you exact description of negotiations. Well, comrades, that is what I would like to get from you, because no negotiations are carried on. That is your work now and here I am being asked every day whether I have some news about the stand of negotiation. The Board of Directors [ECCI] here has given its decision in March [1921] at the first meeting I attended and that was final." Bedacht quotes Radek as saying of the American situation, ""We've decided that we want to have absolutely nothing more to do with the affair;" Zinoviev told Bedacht, "We have done all we could, now it is up to you to do what you can do. We will not act any more in the matter."

 

"Report of CEC to UCP Convention and to the Joint Convention of the United Communist Party and the Communist Party for Unity," by Alfred Wagenknecht [May 15, 1921] Extensive extracts of the report of the CEC of the UCP to the Joint Unity Convention in Woodstock, NY, held from May 15-28, 1921. Internal UCP documents of the underground period tend to be terse and vacuous -- this report is exceptional for its expansiveness and attention to detail, making it THE seminal document of the UCP. Wagenknecht once and for all slaughters the myth of "several million dollars" of support rendered in 1920 to the American Communist movement by Moscow. He says, "...The UCP was also promised financial support amounting to $100,000 for specific purposes such as defense, publishing the CI magazine, starting a daily paper, organizing work, etc. Fifty thousand dollars of this was sent, but only $25,000 arrived here. A donation of $10,000 was to come to the UCP to be given to the IWW defense." (According to the CPA's report to the same gathering, they received absolutely nothing from Moscow.) The other big news revealed in this document is that the raid of Helen Ware's apartment in New York City, resulting in the arrests of Edward Lindgren, Abram Jakira, and Israel Amter, was on the NATIONAL HEADQUARTERS of the UCP. Wagenknecht stoically underplays the magnitude of the loss, which included subscription lists and a vast number of documents containing contact addresses kept in a code which the DoJ broke. Wagenknecht details the boundaries of the UCP's districts and delves into the Party's position on a wide range of strategic and tactical matters, not sparing the CPA from harsh criticism.

 

"General Report of the [old] Communist Party of America to the Joint Unity Convention," by Charles Dirba [May 15, 1921] Extensive extracts of the report of the CEC of the old CPA to the Joint Unity Convention in Woodstock, NY, held from May 15-28, 1921. Dirba emphasizes the old CPA's work establishing shop nuclei and its oft-times difficult relationship with the "Pan-American Council" of the Red International of Trade Unions as well as the "American Agency" sent by the Comintern to help unite the American movement and initiate Communist Parties elsewhere in the Americas. The old CPA's Federation structure is eloquently and effectively detailed and defended by Dirba, who upbraids the UCP for "lack of a true understanding of democratic centralization" which contributed to the "failure of the UCP in language organization and propaganda, resulting in the chaotic conditions within their party." Dirba defends the CPA's commitment to unrelentingly propagandize among the workers the inevitability of armed insurrection as a means for overthrowing the bourgeois order and accuses the UCP of "Serratianism" (you'll never see that word again) for waffling on the issue. Detailed figures are provided for the old CPA's publications and membership statistics given (by district and by federation) for the first quarter of 1921. The old CPA's largest language group was its Lithuanian federation, followed by its Russian, Ukrainian, and Latvian language groups.

 

"CPA Financial Report to the May 1921 Joint Unity Convention," prepared by Charles Dirba [May 15, 1921] This is the major portion of the financial report of the Executive Secretary of the old Communist Party of America to the convention in Woodstock, NY. The statement shows receipts and expenditures of approximately $40,000 for the 3 1/2 month interval of the report and just over $80,000 for the 10 1/2 months dating from July 1, 1920. Of this, it appears from this statement that $19,500, or roughly one-quarter of revenue, came from a Comintern grant. These figures, it should be noted, represent the operating budget of the National Office alone; a companion document which will be posted next week will show that the CPA's semi-autonomous federations controlled assets and produced literature on a scale substantially larger than that of the National Office. Particularly vigorous were three of the old CPA's Federations -- the Lithuanian, the Polish, and the Ukrainian -- which published extensively and owned significant facilities and machinery. The relative proportion of Comintern aid to the size of the entire operation of the old CPA was thus further diluted.

 

"CPA Condensed Cash Statement, Feb. to May 1921, Including Federations, But Not Including Payments to and from the National Office and the Federations: Presented to the Joint Unity Convention, Woodstock, NY - May 15, 1921." This is a very esoteric budget document, but specialists in the history of the early American Communist movement will probably immediately recognize its import. For me, at least, this document has led to a fundamental rethinking about the nature of the old CPA, for it shows that the organization truly was a "federation of federations." Five of the old CPA's 6 Language Federations possessed assets at least twice the size of the National Office of the organization. The same 5 possessed printing plant in excess of the National Office. Three of them retained substantial real estate holdings. Three of them spent more money than the National Office on literature production, and a fourth spent approximately the same amount as the National Office. These were clearly fully functioning political organizations in their own right, not tiny social groups of members speaking a common language. It is little wonder that the "Federation Issue" stood so large on the landscape as the primary issue impeding merger efforts between the UCP and the old CPA for so long and fueling the Central Caucus split that erupted in late November of 1921.

 

"Letter to the Central Executive Committee of the United Communist Party in New York from Max Bedacht ["James A. Marshall"], Representative of the UCP to ECCI in Moscow, May 16, 1921." Fourth of a flurry of 5 letters to the CEC of the United Communist Party about the urgent need for immediate unification with the Communist Party of America penned between the last week of April and the third week of May by the UCP's man in Moscow, Max Bedacht. Bedacht passes on information from Nicholas Hourwich's "own mouth" that the CPA had -- like the UCP -- received $25,000 in Comintern funding during the previous 12 months. Bedacht notes that the American UCP delegates to the First World Congress of the Red International of Labor Unions were working on a program for the gathering, about which Bedacht expresses reservations for its hardline spirit and its controversial nature. "But all these matters will be discussed tonight," Bedacht remarks, adding that "Should the amalgamation take place then it will be necessary for me and for us to take into our conference, before the great event, also the representatives of the other side."

 

"Letter to the Central Executive Committee of the United Communist Party in New York from Max Bedacht ["James A. Marshall"], Representative of the UCP to ECCI in Moscow, May 18, 1921." This 5th letter from the UCP's man in Moscow provides fascinating detail about the structure and operating procedure of the Communist International. Bedacht summarizes the three-sided unity dance of the previous months from his vantage point in Moscow: "The AA [American Agency] had full power and did not understand to use it. Had the instructions, which they finally agree upon to give, been given 3 months or so ago, and had the AA [American Agency] then, instead of asking the [ECCI] to OK this, asked that same body to throw out the disobedient bunch [anti-unity elements in the CPA], all trouble would have been settled." With regards to CI funding of the American movement, Bedacht holds out little hope: "In the matter of money I again tell you that it is ABSOLUTELY IMPOSSIBLE to do anything. Not only are the present conditions in America in the way, but even otherwise the Main Office [CI] is somewhat reluctant to unhesitatingly consider all demands for money. Some of the [national parties] have overdone the thing so much that a plan is now being considered to change the procedure in regard to financial transactions completely. I have made requests for the support of our wounded [legal defense of prisoners]. I was permitted this support, but it is impossible to find out now whether it was ever passed. By what I see in your letter in regard to the AA [American Agency], it rather seems that it did pass. If the money was turned over to the AA, it would only be in conformity with their new policy in this matter." Bedacht attempts to illuminate his American comrades about the way the CI actually functions: "Firstly, the Board of Directors [ECCI] is the supreme body, is fully conscious of that, and is influenced in its actions neither by threats nor by any other method. Secondly, in the Board of Directors [ECCI] there are never discussed any details. Thirdly, the body meets only about every 3 weeks, and then only for a session of about 6 to 8 hours. This alone can prove to you the impossibility of discussing or taking up any details. The body is concerned with POLICIES, and WITH POLICIES ONLY. Fourthly, the matters discussed at the meetings of the Board of Directors [ECCI] are not the choice of its members but are prepared by the Small Bureau, which generally meets the day previously."

 

"The Ripening of Revolution in the United States," by Max Bedacht [circa May 20, 1921] This article was first prepared for publication in Pravda by the United Communist Party's representative to the Comintern, Max Bedacht; later reprinted in the pages the unified CPA's legal English weekly, The Toiler. Bedacht observes that "the world war let loose the Social Revolution, and released everywhere the forces of proletarian upheaval. Capitalism everywhere is facing bankruptcy." One country seemed at first glance exempt from this trend, however -- the United States of America. But American prosperity was illusory, Bedacht argues: "this colossus of American capitalism stands on the clay feet of a thoroughly disorganized capitalist world economy, and is built upon the slumbering volcano of a discontented working class.... The bankruptcy of the capitalist countries of Europe presses down on it like a heavy load and poisons its very existence." Unemployment was rampant and strikes increasing in frequency and volume, Bedacht believes. He concludes that America "will not lag behind in the revolutionary development either. It will destroy capitalism more thoroughly and rapidly, it will, after a sharp but decisive revolutionary struggle in the not far distant future, pave the way to communist development, will leave behind its elder revolutionary brethren thanks to its economic ripeness, and, instead of being the bogey of the world revolution, will become its ministering angel."

 

"The White Terror. (Unsigned Reportage from The Toiler, May 21, 1921). News report from the semi-legal press of the United Communist Party detailing assorted acts of police illegality and malfeasance. Lead importance is given to the arrest of Abraham Jakira, Israel Amter, and Edward Lindgren of the UCP on April 29, 1921 -- arrests made without warrant. Held on $50,000 bail, at their hearings a week later the trio was brought before a judge, who dismissed the charges for insufficient evidence. The three were arrested again on the courthouse steps, again without warrant, and held pending completion of a pending grand jury hearing. In addition, four women were arrested in New York for distributing May Day leaflets and held on Criminal Anarchy charges, while in Philadelphia houses were entered and 48 arrests made and property seized -- again without warrants. One group of police got drunk on seized wine and made gun plays on one another, according to the report. In Chicago, two were arrested for displaying the Red Flag.

"'Open Civil War,'" by Cameron H. King [May 23, 1921]  Socialist Party Regular Cameron King, editor of the Oakland World (a paper which had briefly shifted to the Communist Labor Party before being regained by the Socialist Party of California) takes aim at the new organized Left Wing faction in the Socialist Party -- the Committee for the Third International. Noting that this group claims to support the Communist International's 21 Points for admission in their entirety, King emphasizes the content of points 6 and 12, which call for the "revolutionary overthrow of capitalism" and which characterizes the current period as "an epoch of open civil war." Acceptance of "open civil war" would make its adherents "outlaws under the criminal syndicalist statutes" in California and 34 other states, King warns. If the new Left Wing really does believe in such things, "we can see no good reason why they should not leave the Socialist Party and join one of the 2 or 3 Communist groups," King asserts. King observes that "none of these Communist groups has any economic or political strength," a fact which he attributes to the communist organizations meeting "secretly, 'underground' name and purpose camouflaged, and they are, in consequence, utterly impotent and ineffective." A similar fate would await the Socialist Party if it were to "follow the Communist tactics" and act as a "militarily disciplined brigade in an open civil war here and now," since "it would be suppressed and wrecked just as the Communists have been suppressed and wrecked."

 

"Liberator to Have Second Class Rates: Communist Magazine Gets Favorable P.O. Ruling. Will Receive Refund." News report in The Toiler [event of May 25, 1921] This brief news article from the pages of The Toiler, the United Communist Party's legal English-language weekly, announces that US postal authorities had recently restored the 2nd Class mailing privileges of The Liberator, the party's monthly artistic and theoretical magazine. This decision was in accordance with new Postmaster General Will Hays' ruling that any publication mailable under the law was entitled to the rate without regard to its political content. The Liberator was to be refunded over $11,000 of the more than $14,000 it had paid in postage charges since being arbitrarily stripped of its 2nd Class status by former Postmaster General Albert Burleson. "The ruling is looked upon as an important one in respect to the post office censorship of the public press. Inasmuch as a number of radical and socialist magazines and papers were deprived of second class rates while being allowed to pass through the mails as mailable matter under the Wilson-Burleson-Palmer administration, the new Hays ruling comes as a welcome rift in the clouds of official suppression of public expression," the article declares. The decision helped keep the publication solvent through the end of 1921 (an emergency appeal for funds appeared in the December issue of that year).

"The First Year: Reflections on the Origins of the New York Call," by Algernon Lee [May 27, 1921]  In honor of the paper's 13th anniversary, founding editor of the Socialist daily New York Call, Algernon Lee, offers his brief recollections about the establishment of the publication. The paper began on the top floor of a shabby building on Park Avenue, Lee recalls, a sweltering single room filled with the hot air and lead fumes of the linotype machines. Pioneers of the project remembered by Lee included Harry Smith, George Gordon, Will Mailly, and Billy Feigenbaum. Mailly, a former Executive Secretary of the Socialist Party formerly associated with party radical Hermon Titus, is recalled with particular fondness: "if Will had lived twice as long he would still have died young. I never knew anyone so avid of life -- so eager to know everything, to experience everything, to achieve everything. And how much he did learn and how much achieve, how intensely did he live, in the few short years after his entrance into the Socialist movement opened up to him all the vistas of literature, science, and art, and gave him the opportunity to realize himself in working for something bigger than self!" Working on the early Call was "fun," Lee states, since "the very uncertainty whether The Call could live another week lent to the whole thing an air of adventure and gave us a sense of victory each day when the paper came from the press."

 

"Unity Achieved! To All Members of the CP and the UCP Now United in the Communist Party of America, Section of the Communist International." [Late May 1921] Communique of the newly unified CPA to its membership regarding the decisions of the Joint Unity Convention held at Woodstock, NY, May 15-28, 1921. An enumeration of the primary differences between the two organizations (size of CEC, relationship of center to the Language Federations, election vs. appointment of party officials, etc.) and details of their final resolution. Published in a free bulletin to the membership along with the new organization's constitution and the Report of the Liquidation Committee. (These supplemental documents published separately below).

 

"The UCP and the CP United: An Account of the Joint Unity Convention." [Woodstock, NY - May 15-28, 1921] This is an official account of the Joint Unity Convention which brought together the United Communist Party and the old Communist Party of America to form the "Communist Party of America (Section of the Communist International)," first published on the front page of the official organ of that organization. Although it is difficult to determine, probable author was a member of the old CPA. The most interesting tidbits include the fact that it was Ludwig Katterfeld rather than Executive Secretary Alfred Wagenknecht who delivered the report of the CEC of the UCP; that some sessions were held outdoors in a "natural amphitheatre with a boulder for the chairman's desk," indicating the premise that this was structured as a working retreat in the Catskills is sound; and stellar first-hand description of the impasse which the convention faced over matters of constitutional organization structure and the solution at which the gathering eventually arrived.

 

"Bureau of Investigation Confidential Surveillance Report of the Unity Convention of the Communist Party of America: Woodstock, NY -- May 15-28, 1921." Anyone who has read Theodore Draper's seminal history, The Roots of American Communism, is well aware that the Department of Justice's Bureau of Investigation successfully penetrated the 1922 Bridgman Michigan convention with an agent elected as a delegate -- Francis Morrow, aka "Ashworth" and "Day." What has been unknown until now this was not the first time that a secret Communist convention had been penetrated in this manner. Pittsburgh Sub-District Organizer "Ryan" (known in the second half of 1921 as "C. Williams" when he served as Youngstown, OH SDO) was one of 30 United Communist Party delegates elected to the 1921 Joint Unity Convention with 30 like delegates of the Communist Party of America. The gathering was held at the Overlook Mountain House hotel, near Woodstock, New York. Immediately after the termination of this convention, secret informant "Ryan" provided the BoI with this extensive report -- one of only two contemporary participant accounts known to have survived. "Ryan" provides a day-by-day summary of convention activities, emphasizing the role of Comintern Representative "Scott" (Karlis Janson) in the proceedings. He also provides the BoI with personal descriptions of all 29 of his UCP "comrades" as well as for a handful of the delegates of the CPA -- the majority of which he characterizes as "mostly Russians and Lettish [Latvians]" who "did not speak on the floor, and were not called by name so it was impossible to learn their convention names and where they came from." "The Superintendent of the Hotel and a Miss Brown, who was in charge, knew the nature of the convention and it was stated by members of the Central Executive Committee that Miss Brown is a member of that Party," the BoI informant notes. Details about the elaborate security precautions in place for the convention are fascinating and lend credence to the seemingly melodramatic accounts previously circulated about similar guards and train station watchers put in place at the 1922 Bridgman convention. The identity of BoI informant and UCP SDO "Ryan" remains unknown at this time.

 

"Constitution of the Communist Party of America: Approved at the Joint Unity Convention of the United Communist Party and the Communist Party of America, May 1921." Full text of the Constitution of the newly unified Communist Party of America, which amalgamated the two rival American Communist Parties into a single organization. This document was negotiated and ratified by a gathering of 60 delegates (30 from each of the old parties) held in Woodstock, New York, during the second half of May, 1921. Although the party once again split in November-December 1921 and was to some great extent supplanted by the legal Workers Party of America at the end of December, this was the basic document of party law for the underground CPA of 1921-22.

 

"Report of the Liquidation Committee." [Late May 1921] Report of a joint committee consisting of members of the old Communist Party of America and the United Communist Party of America detailing specific measures to be taken for the amalgamation of the two party organizations into one organic whole. The directives of this Liquidation Committee were binding, approved by the Joint Unity Convention of May 1921.The new Central Executive Committee was formally given the task of determining the geographic boundaries of the new party's districts; District Executive Committees consisting of the new DOs and old DOs and SDOs of both parties were established to determine the new subdistricts; language branches were to be combined; cash turned in; assets tallied and reported to the new CEC; and the party press immediately unified.

 

"Wherefore Stand Ye Divided?" by William Z. Foster [May 28, 1921] This article is a bit of a curiosity -- a piece written by closeted Communist union leader William Z. Foster and published in The New Day, propaganda weekly of the Socialist Party of America (probably distributed by the Federated Press as the conduit). Foster outlines the fundamental principles of his union philosophy: "For a generation virtually the whole radical movement has been wasting itself on utopian union projects," Foster declares, dedicating themselves to futile radical dual unions and abandoning the mass organizations to the control of a conservative bureaucracy. In Foster's view the dual unions violate what Foster calls "the first principle of unionism, namely the solidarity of labor." Foster states that the dual unions are essentially utopian attempts to bypass the normal development of mass unions -- which in other countries typically include a broad array of ideological tendencies, including "Anarchists, Socialists, Communists, Catholics, Protestants, atheists, craft unionists, industrial unionists, etc.," instead basing themselves on narrow ideological tenets "not held by the great masses." The normal course of union development includes 3 phases, Foster believes, including "(1) Isolation; (2) Federation; and (3) Amalgamation." Foster bitterly notes: "but our dual unionists ignore it all. They have their spick and span, blueprinted, perfected organizations. And they ask an ignorant working class, habituated to craft unionism, to throw aside their old unions, built through 40 years of strife and struggle, and to join themselves forthwith to the highly advanced type they propose. They would abolish the law of labor union development. That's all. Is it any wonder that the American radical movement stagnates, resting as it does upon such a bizarre and unworkable economic program?"

"Yugoslavs, Who Left Party  in 1914, Come Back: Secretary of South Slavic Federation Says There Are 32 Branches Now Doing Active Work..." by Frank Petrich [May 28, 1921]  Head of the Yugoslav Socialist Federation Frank Petrich offers a brief synopsis of his group's relationship with the Socialist Party of America in this article prepared for the Socialist press. Petrich notes that prior to the 1919 split the South Slavic Federation had included 3200 dues-paying members. The federation had been suspended from the party during the faction fight between Regulars and the organized Left Wing section, however, and by the August 1920 return of the Yugoslav federation to SPA's ranks, only 435 members in 32 branches remained. The Croatians had left the federation for the Communist movement, but the Slovenian and Serbian sections remaining had begun to slowly rebuild, with 12 new branches formed since the August 1920 reentry and the federation's ranks back up to the 750 mark. This was regarded by Petrich as the tip of the iceberg, since 75,000 Slovenes alone were enrolled in national benefit societies. "If they have such a splendid “Red Cross” organization, they surely should have an equally powerful political fighting organization," Petrich declared.

"Why Punish the Socialist Movement?" by Frank Petrich [May 30, 1921]  Party loyalist Frank Petrich, head of the Socialist Party's Yugoslav Federation, makes this complaint about proposed changes to the party constitution which will have the effect of forcing federation branches to participate directly in the affairs of their associated English-speaking locals to purchase dues stamps, instead of being able to purchase them directly through the language federation, as previously. Petrich declares that such an amendment aims "at the controlling point of the federations' organization system" and is an attempt "to deprive Language Federations of their autonomy." This would place the federations in the position of supplicants for funding from state and local committees, who would be under no obligation to aggressively carry on propaganda work in the languages in question. Petrich characterizes this change as centralization at any price and argues that it will have a negative effect on the party in general and the language federations in particular. "Who are the forces that are trying to lead the Socialist Party into a blind alley and through it to punish the Socialist movement?" Petrich asks.

 

"National Defense Committee News," by Edgar Owens [May 1921 Report] Monthly report of the American Communist movement's legal defense arm, the National Defense Committee, by its Secretary, Illinois UCP veteran Edgar Owens. Owens notes the progress of the Lindgren-Jakira-Amter case (arrested April 29, 1921 when the apartment housing UCP headquarters in New York was raided) in which the defendants are said to have been "kidnapped by police" and held without warrant for a grand jury to return an indictment following their release from the April raid on lack of evidence. Owens also details a coordinated raid in Philadelphia on April 25, 1921, in which 48 had been arrested and 38 of these later indicted for violation of the Pennsylvania "Anti-Sedition" Law. (The round up of leaflet distributors was probably tipped by the Camden, NJ SDO and police spy Francis A. Morrow). Owens notes in the Philadelphia case that "In ransacking the place the police found some homemade wine and proceeded to get gloriously drunk and indulged in a fight among themselves to demonstrate their respect for law and order." Owens also mentions 3 additional cases in New York, 20 in the Midwestern Division of the NDC, 2 deportation cases in Chicago, 4 in Milwaukee, 10 in Kansas City, and 1 case in San Francisco. Owens also notes the May 8, 1921, arrest of (San Francisco District Organizer) William Costley and UCP touring speaker Floyd Ramp for speaking at a hall meeting. After being held in jail overnight, the pair were released for lack of evidence, Owens notes. Owens also note a number of continuing cases: the appeal of those arrested in the mass Illinois CLP trial, the Reed-Ragsdale case in San Francisco, the Carney-Bentall case in Minneapolis, and ongoing deportation proceedings against Alex Georgian, also of Minneapolis. An appeal for funds to assist the NDC in the defense of all these cases is made, not surprisingly.

 

JUNE 1921

"Minutes of the Central Executive Committee, (unified) Communist Party of America: New York City - May 30-June 3, 1921." The minutes of the first plenum of the CEC of the unified CPA, which brought together 5 members of each the old Communist Party of America and the United Communist Party of America to establish the structure of the new organization. Charles Dirba (ex-old CPA) is elected Executive Secretary of the new CPA, Ludwig Katterfeld (ex-UCP) is elected Assistant Secretary. The new CEC spends much of its time and energy establishing boundaries for the new district system, arriving at a 9 District system which most closely resembles the boundaries of the old-CPA (which had 8 districts in theory, of which 6 were functioning in practice). The paid District Organizer positions also are bitterly contested. The CEC also carefully considers and ultimately approves its own procedural rules, which are appended to the minutes document. All known "real names" and their former organizational affiliations are included in the edited version of the minutes here, which make the document comprehensible to non-specialists in the underground period. The initial 10 members of the CEC of the unified CPA were: George Ashkenuzi, John Ballam, Charles Dirba, Joseph Stilson, and J. Wilenkin (ex-old CPA); also Ludwig Katterfeld, Jay Lovestone, William Weinstone, Joseph Zack (Kornfeder), and the yet-unidentified "Post" (ex-UCP).

"Shall Capitalism “Get” Gale or Shall the Workers Free Him? Send Money Now for the Defense of Linn A.E. Gale, Publisher of Gale’s International Monthly of Revolutionary Communism." [circa June 1921]  Text of an ultra-rare leaflet published by the Gale Defense Committee, preserved for posterity by the Department of Justice's Bureau of Investigation. Now held over for prosecution at Fort Sam Houston in Texas, draft resister Linn Gale was said to have been for the previous three years the author of "innumerable articles for the Radical press of almost every country explaining the sinister intrigues of the interventionists and the diabolical conspiracy to embroil the United States in war with Mexico for the sake of profits for the oil magnates and the munitions makers." The circular calls for money for Gale's San Antonio-based legal defense, protest meetings against Gale's prosecution, and letters to prominent politicians. Includes a short biography of Linn Gale as a footnote.

"Report on The Liberator to the Editorial Committee and CEC of the unified Communist Party of America," by Alfred Wagenknecht [circa June 1921]  Short description of the negotiation process leading to the 1921 takeover of Max Eastman's financially-strapped monthly, The Liberator, by the Communist Party of America. Previous negotiations had taken place between the United Communist Party and The Liberator seeking to have the magazine turned over to the party. Some, however, sought for the publication to maintain an independent existence as an "artistic-poetic magazine similar to The Masses." Wagenknecht indicates that Eastman vaguely favored the latter course but was "at present in an 'I-don’t-care' state of mind, due mainly to the fact that he is tired of his position on the magazine and is busy producing a book." In addition, the editorial board of the magazine was in disarray due to Eastman's lack of interest in the managerial task. "Under these circumstances this may be the opportune time to take over" the magazine, Wagenknecht indicates. He seeks establishment of a formal committee by the CEC to conduct negotiations to this effect.

*** PUBLICATION ***  The Proletarian, vol. 3, no. 7 [June 1921]  (Graphic pdf, large file, 2.3 megs.) Full issue of the official magazine of the Proletarian Party of America. This issue contains: Cover art by Breit [V.M. Breitmayer]; "Party Activities" (Chicago, Buffalo, Rochester, Los Angeles, Flint, Ann Arbor, Detroit); H.M. Wicks: "'Super-Bolsheviks' or 'Kautskyans'"; John Keracher: "Unemployment"; Murray Murphy: "What Are the Capitalists Doing?"; John Keracher: "International Notes" (Germany, Egypt, Japan, Great Britain, Syria, Norway, Turkey); Review of Communism and Christianism by Bishop William Montgomery Brown; H.M. Wicks: "Socialist Party History" (Against the New York Call); M.V.B.: "Machinery: The Master and the Liberator"; W.H.C.: "The Crisis in Russia"; F.A. Perry: "Anti-Labor Propaganda"; Julius Davidson: "Science and History."

"The Tulsa Massacre!" -- leaflet of the unified Communist Party of America [June 1921] Full text of a shrill revolutionary leaflet issued in the wake of the extreme racist terror levied on June 1, 1921 against the black population of Tulsa, Oklahoma. "There is only one appeal that will stop the fiendish and bloody outrages -- that is the appeal to organized force. The only language that the bloodthirsty capitalist of America can understand is the language of ORGANIZED POWER," the leaflet declares. "For the Government of the US is nothing but the organized expression of the WILL of the CAPITALIST CLASS. The Government of the US is nothing else but a ruthless DICTATORSHIP of the RICH over the POOR. It is in the interest of both the Negro and the White WORKERS to destroy this CAPITALIST GOVERNMENT, root and branch. Shoulder to shoulder, and heart to heart, the workers of ALL races must UNITE to establish in this country a WORKERS' GOVERNMENT -- THE SOVIET REPUBLIC OF AMERICA." The leaflet does not absolve the white working class from culpability for the standing state of affairs: "If the Negro worker can be used against the White worker, who is to blame? We have refused to allow our colored brothers to join our unions. We have repeated all the idiotic accusations against their race. We have foolishly allowed ourselves to be swayed by race prejudice. We have failed to ORGANIZE the Negro workers. We have refused to treat him as our own, our equal BROTHER in the CLASS STRUGGLE. WE ARE TO BLAME."

 

"Circular Letter to All UCP Groups from Alfred Wagenknecht ["Paul Holt"], Outgoing Executive Secretary, June 1, 1921." This communique from the outgoing Executive Secretary of the UCP announces to the membership of the organization that "UNITY HAS BEEN ACHIEVED!" at the recently completed Joint Unity Convention held at Woodstock, NY from May 15-28, 1921, and that effective this date the new CEC elected by the convention would be in charge of the unified organization (with Charles Dirba elected by the CEC as the new Executive Secretary). Dues for former UCP members would remain at 75˘ for the month of June before dropping to the new rate of 60˘ per month effective July 1921. "With unity, the building of a virile, powerful Communist Party in this country becomes an immediate possibility. Energy and time formerly used in duplication of work because of dual organization will now be released and applied to the many tasks which confront the advance guard of the working class. Educational work, propaganda, organization -- all these will now go forward with double speed. All work from now on will be more efficient and planful, for it is now centralized into one party and one executive is at the helm," Wagenknecht declares. "Imperialism has but one foe -- the Communist International. American Capitalism has but one foe -- the unified Communist Party. To build a party which will prove victorious over American Capitalism and so strengthen the Communist International in its struggle against World Capitalism -- this should be the aim of every party member," Wagenknecht adds.

"For the Adoption of the Communist Exclusion Plan," by Otto Branstetter [June 4, 1921]  The Executive Secretary of the Socialist Party of America takes aim at prominent SPA left winger Louis Engdahl in this New York Call article. Engdahl, a staunch supporter of affiliating the Socialist Party to the Third International, had challenged the veracity of Branstetter's assertion that the party's application for membership had been rejected and intimated that a purge of supporters of left wing supporters of affiliation was in the offing at the behest of the party leadership at the forthcoming 1921 National Convention. Branstetter retorts here that Engdahl was lying, "in the approved Communist manner," and was dodging the real issues involved in favor of the spreading of "misrepresentation, insinuation, half truths, and deliberate misstatements of fact." Branstetter states that the proposal for the expulsion of left wingers actually came from below, via a resolution of Chicago's 13th Ward Branch, rather than through the initiative of the party leadership. That said, Branstetter minces no words about what he feels should happen to the left wingers still in the Socialist Party: "The issue is clearly drawn.... Shall we expel Hillquit or Engdahl? I vote enthusiastically for Engdahl. After all, we are still a Socialist party, and Hillquit is a Socialist. Let us keep Hillquit, Oneal, Shiplacoff, Maurer, and the other loyal, devoted Socialist comrades and permit Engdahl to obey his master’s voice and join the United Communist Party."

 

"Circular to All District, Sub-District, and Section Organizers of the CPA Regarding the YCL, from Charles Dirba ["C. Dow"], Executive Secretary of the CPA in New York, circa June 6, 1921." This is one of the first communiques to the party apparatus from newly elected Executive Secretary of the unified Communist Party of America, Charles Dirba. Dirba announces that the Young Communist League of America "has been recognized officially as part of the International of Communist Youth, affiliated with the Communist International." Dirba states that "a National Convention of the YCL will be called as soon as the International YCL delegate returns [from the 2nd World Congress of the YCI in Moscow], but there is no need to wait until then with the organizational work. Underground groups of the YCL should be started wherever possible at once. Only they will be entitled to participate in the YCL convention." Organizers are asked to provide a good cover address for the best potential YCL leader in their respective territory so that the YCL Secretary [Oliver Carlson] might contact these individuals directly with regards to the development of the organization. "The success of the revolution tomorrow will depend very largely upon the work done among the Young People today," Dirba declares.

 

"Minutes of the Central Executive Committee, (unified) Communist Party of America: New York City -- June 7-15, 1921." Minutes of the 2nd session of the CEC of the newly unified Communist Party of America (the CEC of the unified CPA met in nearly continuous sessions). A great deal of effort is expended on seriatim consideration of committee reports on the party program and ground rules for CEC decision making. Proposal of CEC member George Ashkenuzi to call an emergency convention to break the 5-5 deadlock on the CEC voted down. Committee of 3 elected to meet with SP Left Wingers to organize them into a caucus at the forthcoming SPA convention. This committee was instructed to "have the Left Wing delegates work unqualifiedly for the 21 Points" of the Comintern. There was a general tendency of the CEC session to refer controversial matters back to sub-committees (Organizational Committee, Secretarial Committee, etc.) for further discussion. On June 13, James P. Cannon arrived to take his place on the CEC, replacing his substitute, Will Weinstone. Weinstone was later elected Librarian, in charge of gathering publications for the Comintern. Joseph Stilson was instructed not to accept the editorship of the Lithuanian organ of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers. Financial coverage of Armenian paper's deficit continued. Bitter debate over the forthcoming District 2 [New York] Conference is alluded to. A passage stricken from the minutes makes it clear that CEC member and NY DO George Ashkenuzi was at the center of the storm. When it came to electing the paid District Organizers, a series of 5-5 votes along straight factional lines resulted. "Post" [Abram Jakira] assigned to editorial staff of the Russian legal paper. Cannon added to Editorial Committee.

"International Affiliation at the Detroit Convention," by James Oneal [June 8, 1921]  With the 1921 convention of the Socialist Party of America looming, National Executive Committee member James Oneal uses this article in the New York Call to attempt to disabuse his comrades of the notion of affiliation with the Third International in Moscow, as advocated by the SPA's left wing. A laundry list of requirements would face the SPA in affiliating, Oneal indicates, including the purging of longstanding party veterans, establishment of an illegal organization, acceptance of armed insurrection and dictatorship, and the taking of orders from Moscow, among other things. Oneal notes that this program had roots in the "Bakunin anarchists" who had wrecked the First International as well as the Chicago-based anarchist movement of the 1880s which had ended in the Haymarket bombing and the repression which followed. The Left Wing of 1919 "did us a service by leaving us, and we would do ourselves injury by returning to them," Oneal declares. "If they think that by playing hide and seek with secret service agents, and that hurling leaflets from buildings urging 'armed insurrection' is the thing, we should allow them a monopoly of this stupidity." He seeks the coming convention to "draw the line in these matters."

 

"Ellis Island -- A Dantean Hell," by Edgar Owens [June 11, 1921] Secretary of the unified CPA's National Defense Committee Edgar Owens reminds readers of the party's legal organ, The Toiler, of the plight of 38 of their comrades, along with a dozen of their wives and 24 of their children, held at Ellis Island, New York, for an indeterminate time pending completion of deportation proceedings. Owens notes: "Ellis Island is a cheerless place at best. But the detention rooms are desolate indeed, especially for those classified as politically undesirable. For them Ellis Island is a prison, stone walls, steel bars, locked doors... They are charged heavily for food of inferior quality; the women complain that the milk contains chalk and is unfit for the children, and when they ask for boiled water for their babies, they are informed that sink water is good enough for them. Are they not Communists? What right have they to expect human consideration? Down with them!" Only the NDC is working on behalf of these unfortunates, Owens declares: "Plans have been made to remove our comrades from the Island. The men can be released providing bail is secured. But bail is expensive, and premiums must be paid. Arrangements are in preparation to establish a place near New York in which to put the women and children where there will be plenty of fresh air and room for the children to play without danger to life or limb." Contributions to further this end are solicited.

 

"Moscow and the Socialist Party of the United States," by Bertha Hale White. [June 11, 1921] White, one of the leading female members of the Socialist Party, writes in a pre-convention discussion bulletin that any discussion about SPA affiliation with the Third International in Moscow is moot, since the question has already been answered in no uncertain terms in the negative. Interesting for its discussion of the lengths taken by National Executive Secretary to make application to the Comintern for membership in 1920 -- as he was instructed to do by party referendum. White states the SPA must rebuild its shattered organization into a powerful force before being able to affiliate with Moscow on its own terms rather than be subject to conditions amounting to "tyranny."

“Engdahl is Right,” by Otto Branstetter [June 14, 1921]  Executive Secretary of the Socialist Party of America Otto Branstetter takes on left wing party editor J. Louis Engdahl over the question of affiliation of the Socialist Party to the Third International. Branstetter notes the CI's negative response to the official American request for affiliation (which had been determined by a membership referendum vote), a rejection which included the instruction for American workers that they "Leave the American Socialist Party. It is your enemy and ours. Already in America there is a revolutionary party, the United Communist Party, the American section of the Communist International." Another point called for the expulsion of top party leader Morris Hillquit, Branstetter notes. Branstetter calls for a new split a the forthcoming 1921 SPA National Convention: "Shall we expel Morris Hillquit for party loyalty or shall we expel J. Louis Engdahl for party treason? That is the issue. Until it is decided and decided right there is no possibility of rebuilding the party which has been destroyed largely through the efforts of the Communist International and its spokesmen and supporters within the Socialist Party.... We may be the first Socialist party to adopt this practical method of defense against those who are pledged to destroy us, but we will by no means be the last."

"Regeneration of Party Depends on Convention: Dissension on Points Raised by World Events Must Be Ended by Clear Cut Stand before Real Work Can Be Resumed -- New Split Seen Possible," by William M. Feigenbaum [June 13, 1921]  New York Call journalist William Morris Feigenbaum notes the critical importance of the forthcoming 1921 convention of the Socialist Party of America for the party. According to Feigenbaum, although the Socialist Party had 110,000 members, it was "not in a healthy condition" owing to the war. The war had previously caused a severe attrition of regular party members, in Feigenbaum's account, who were quietly replaced by "tens of thousands of Russians, Poles, Hungarians, Ukrainians, Letts [Latvians], Slovenians, and others" who joined in the wake of the armistice, inspired by the Russian Revolution. A split and formation of the Communist parties followed, which resulted in demoralization and further atrophy of the party ranks, a process accentuated by the Palmer Raids. In 1920 the SPA was again subjected to a split between Morris Hillquit-led regulars and a left wing faction headed by journalist J. Louis Engdahl. The regulars had controlled the gathering, going so far as to expunge from the record a left wing-presented resolution highly critical of Hillquit and the defense in the case of the suspended New York Assemblymen.

 

"Put Federations to Work," by David P. Berenberg [June 15, 1921]  With the 1921 National Convention of the Socialist Party in the offing, the Rand School of Social Science's David Berenberg offers thoughts on the future role of the Foreign Language Federations in the SPA. Berenberg wants the federations to become a "clearing house for the foreign workers," teaching newcomers English "with the greatest possible speed." This would not only get the newcomer ready for participation in the English-speaking Socialist movement, but would also "save the worker from the contaminating influence of the usual night classes in English for foreigners." As soon as English was learned, newcomers would leave the federation altogether and join one of the "regular" branches of the party, under Berenberg's scheme. Federations should also prepare immigrants for American citizenship and continue to conduct Socialist propaganda in their own language directed to workers who do not know English, Berenberg believes.

"The Economic Basis of the Tulsa Race Riot," by Elmer T. Allison [June 18, 1921] Beginning on June 1, 1921, genocidal racial violence erupted in Tulsa, Oklahoma, with widespread killings and arson -- violence which was ultimately answered by a section of the city's black population. This article by Communist journalist Elmer Allison attempts to expound upon the economic basis of the explosion frenzied ultra-violence that gripped Tulsa. "The main purpose and object of all white aggressions upon the Negro are to KEEP HIM DOWN, down under the feet of the white rulers, the white's laws, the white politicians, the white masters," Allison asserts, adding that amidst oil riches and rising cotton prices, a parallel black-owned economy had emerged in the southwest in competition with the region's historic white capitalists. The downturn of the economy made blacks expendable in the eyes of the white ruling class of the region, and the Tulsa race riot is portrayed as a long-brewing and consciously directed policy. Allison declares that, "it was the white business interests that fomented the Tulsa riot. Whatever differences there may have been between white workers and black workers on account of undercutting of wages by Negroes because of unemployment, it must not be assumed that these differences counted for anything with the white master class," Allison says. "The Negroes were becoming an established competitive factor to white business. And because of it they were outlawed, and the sentence of death passed upon them. The riot ensued." Allison likens the plight of America's southern blacks to that of the Jews in Eastern Europe: "White capitalist society is as clearly in a conspiracy against the Negro here as is any pogrom-ridden Eastern nation against the Jews. Here the lynching bee and the race riot, there the pogrom. The causes are the same as are, too, the results."

"Enemies Within the Party," by Abraham Tuvim [June 18, 1921]  Party regular Abraham Tuvim continues the National Office's agitation for an expulsion of the left wing at the forthcoming 1921 National Convention of the Socialist Party. "Frankly, there are enemies within our ranks," Tuvim declares, "Men who hate the Socialist Party with a vindictiveness which makes a Security Leaguer a friend by comparison. Men who never speak of our party without an accompanying sneer. Men who garble the truth, misrepresent, and slander. Men who are doing more to keep the party from functioning than then enemy outside of our ranks — the defender of capitalism." He calls for the expulsion of these "Engdahls, Trachtenbergs, and Glassbergs." Honest criticism and disagreement with party policy should remain acceptable, but "active opposition" should not. In addition to divorcing itself from the left wing, the coming convention should forbid affiliation with "anti-Socialist Party organizations and periodicals, including all Communist groups and publications or independent anti-party groups," Tuvim opines.

 

"A Cook County Socialist Conference: Bureau of Investigation Report on the Special Meeting of Local Cook County, SPA: Machinists' Hall, Chicago," by August H. Loula [June 19, 1921] This document reproduces the report of Chicago Bureau of Investigation August Loula concerning the bitterly contested June 19, 1921, meeting of Local Cook County, Socialist Party -- a conclave which pitted SPA Executive Secretary Otto Branstetter and his supporters against the last enclave of a quasi-Communist Left Wing, headed by Louis Engdahl and Hyman Schneid. The meeting rejected a proposal recommending the Socialist Party's affiliation with the Third International on the basis of the Comintern's "21 points" by a vote of 50-74; this result prompted a walk out by 21 Bohemian delegates, who favored affiliation. A second resolution, declaring for reservation without reservations, was thereafter defeated by a vote of 36 to 44. A proposal favoring affiliation with the 2-1/2 International was severely trounced, the resolution garnering only 5 votes from the assembled delegates. Instead, a resolution was passed 59 to 24, stating that the Socialist Party should not affiliate with any international organization, but should instead spend its efforts building "a powerful, revolutionary, Socialist organization in this country." A further proposal by Executive Secretary Branstetter, calling for the expulsion of those who continued to advocate affiliation with the 3rd International, died when the convention voted to adjourn rather than to take action. Instead a similar proposal was made by Branstetter a week later at the SPA's annual convention, held in Detroit.

 

"Account of the Executive Committee's Work: Meetings of June 25-26, 1921 in the Kremlin."This is a State Department translation from the Soviet press detailing the activities of the Executive Committee of the Communist International at the body's final June session. This report, originally published in Krasnaia Gazeta [Red Newspaper], quotes President of the Comintern Grigorii Zinoviev's summary about the work of the Executive Committee of the Comintern (ECCI) during its first 10 months of actual operation. An average of 3 meetings per month were held by ECCI, Zinoviev states, with an average of about 20 questions examined by the body each month. Zinoviev does not mention America, but rather singles out France, Italy, Germany, and Switzerland as the nations in which the "most lamentable conditions" exist regarding the discipline and subordination of Communists to their party and the actual tactics followed by these parties. England and America are lumped together as nations with "weak" Communist Parties needing to establish closer connections with their national proletariats.

"Letter to William F. Kruse in Chicago from Joseph M. Coldwell in Atlanta Federal Penitentiary." [written before June 24, 1921]  This letter from Socialist political prisoner Joseph Coldwell to Bill Kruse, head of the party's youth section, summarizes the frustration of Comintern-friendly radicals in an increasingly conservative SPA. "Just now I am without a home, politically," Coldwell writes, "as I cannot quite go the CP and the SP, as constituted at present, does not come up to my ideas of what a working class party should be. I believe in political action, based on working class needs, and backed up by a class-conscious membership." He wishes Kruse and party editor Louis Engdahl success at the forthcoming party convention: "Personally, I hope you and Engdahl will succeed in having the convention adopt a sane policy. The latest Van Lear fiasco should be a good argument against the old pure and simple policy. We have had too many politicians of that type in the party. Politicians who looked upon the securing of public office as the goal, the Lunn type, seems to predominate the party."

"Socialists Open Convention  in Detroit Today: Delegates Gather at 10 This Morning to Deal with Vital Problems of Party -- NEC on Scene," by William M. Fiegenbaum [June 24, 1921]  With yet another left wing split in the wind, delegates to the 1921 Socialist Party convention assembled in Detroit in an attempt to stabilize the floundering organization. New York Call reporter William Morris Fiegenbaum was on the scene to report the situation to the Socialist daily's readers. A break of the Bohemian (Czech) language federation and some portion of the Chicago organization over failure to affiliate with the Communist International was anticipated -- a split which was estimated by Fiegenbaum to potentially remove another 200 to 300 members from the SPA's dwindling ranks. An end to the SPA's foreign language federations was predicted by Fiegenbaum: "When there were a few federations, with a tenth of the party membership, there wasn’t any trouble; but when the federations had 55 percent of the membership there was a lot of trouble." Fiegenbaum felt that the Finnish Federation was in favor of ending the old semi-autonomous federation system, while Frank Petrich of the Yugoslav (Slovenian) Federation was bitterly opposed. Adding to the confusion was the fact that the SPA was flat broke. National Secretary Otto Branstetter was "worried nearly sick over the party’s finances," and was faced with the task of getting "the convention over with and [getting] the delegates sent home. And with an empty treasury it is no mean job."

 

"Report of the National Executive Committee to the National Convention of the Socialist Party, Detroit, MI -- June 25, 1921," by Otto Branstetter This is the organizational report of the Socialist Party delivered to the June 1921 Detroit Convention by Executive Secretary Otto Branstetter, published in the official organ of the party. It contains a plethora of information about the SPA's various activities over the previous 12 months -- the 1920 Presidential campaign, the Amnesty Campaign, the party press, and the ongoing debate about international affiliation. Of particular note are comprehensive membership statistics, showing an average membership of 26,766 (46.5% language federation) in calendar 1920, and 17,464 (23.9% language federation) in the first 5 months of calendar 1921 -- the primary cause of this drop in the non-English contingent being the departure of the Finnish Federation on Dec. 31, 1920. Month by month figures are provided for each of the party's 6 remaining language federations: Yiddish, Italian, Czech, German, Slovenian, and Lithuanian. Details on pamphlets published and press runs are given. Due to the party's extremely poor finances, running at a projected monthly deficit of $668 per month, organizers were being eliminated from the road and the funding agreement with the Language Federations changed, with Branstetter stating that "instead of helping to support the National Office, the Federations are a liability and cost us from $30 to $100 each per month." Party headquarters, the title held by a 3 person trust including Regulars Robert Howe and Adolph Germer as well as Communist leader Alfred Wagenknecht, were unable to be transferred to a new holding company due to Wagenknecht's refusal to sign off on the deal, Branstetter says, noting that legal proceedings to remove Wagenknecht were forthcoming. The headquarters building had gained between $10,000 and $15,000 in value, but a $15,000 payment loomed on March 3, 1923, and as yet the $1,175 tax bill for the year remained to be paid.

"Socialist Party’s Stand on International Settled: Four-Hour Debate Presents Every Argument, Pro and Con, Before Vote." (NY Call) [June 25, 1921]  News report of the first day of the 1921 National Convention of the Socialist Party of America, highlighted by a four hour debate on the question of international affiliation. As anticipated, the pro-Moscow affiliation/pro-21 points faction headed by Bill Kruse and Louis Engdahl was routed on the convention floor in four hours of debate. Motions for Comintern affiliation, conditional Comintern affiliation, and affiliation with the Vienna international were defeated in favor of a 4th option, non-affiliation — backed by Victor Berger and Morris Hillquit.

"Socialists End All Talk of Dictatorship: Motions for Policy, Opposing and  Defining It, Alike Rejected: NEC Urges Party to Get to Work," by William M. Feigenbaum [June 26, 1921]  Coverage of Day 2 of the 1921 National Convention of the Socialist Party of America in Detroit, written for the New York Call. The delegates failed to agree on use of the phrase "Dictatorship of the Proletariat" and voted down five different propositions, Feigenbaum notes. The most conciliatory viewpoint was unsurprisingly presented by Morris Hillquit, who noted that the phrase was both "an old one" meaning "as Marx used it, the capture of political power by the working class." Hillquit continued that "Most people do not understand the term, and it seems formidable to many people" and he sought to reassure his listeners that the Socialist Party favored the preservation of democracy and the democratic socialist rule of the working class majority. The debate of all five motions on the question of Dictatorship of the Proletarian, including one advanced by Hillquit that was defeated by a narrow 18-20 margin, was explained by one delegate wag with the words: "The convention was so hell bent on taking no stand that they took no action on a motion committing the party to a stand that said it takes no stand."


"Socialists to Sound Other Radical Groups: Party Waives Traditional Policy of Aloofness to Seek Possible Cooperation to Beat Old Parties: Will Not Compromise Socialist Principles or Autonomy of Party," by William M. Feigenbaum [June 27, 1921]  Coverage of Day 3 of the 1921 National Convention of the Socialist Party of America in Detroit, written for the New York Call. A historic ideological pillar of the Socialist Party — "No Political Trading" — was buried when the 40 or so delegates of the disrupted and dwindling SPA voted to accept the principle of working together with other political organizations. According to Feigenbaum, "On a motion presented by Morris Hillquit of New York, the party voted to canvass all the militant labor and radical forces in the country with a view to seeing how far cooperation with them is possible without in any way compromising the integrity of Socialist principles, or the autonomy of the party." Few delegates voted against this fundamental revision of party doctrine, including among them Victor Berger of Milwaukee and Otto Newman of Oregon. The new role of the SPA would be closely analogous to that of the Independent Labour Party in England, Feigenbaum indicates. A resolution by Otto Branstetter calling for expulsion of party members endorsing the Comintern's 21 Points was rejected, with Morris Hillquit declaring: "I hate heresy hunting. I have never indulged in it and I never will. I do not consider Communists and adherents of the Moscow International place themselves outside of the Socialist movement. But Engdahl has no right to go outside of the party and make common cause with enemies of the party in a publication, the so-called Workers’ Council, every number of which is a venomous attack upon the party as such. Such a person has no place in the party. Self-respect should impel him to leave it."


"Resolution of Expulsion Lost in Convention: Incident Considered Closed -- Socialist Party Delegates Vote for Strong Central Organization," by William M. Feigenbaum [June 28, 1921]  Coverage of Day 4 of the 1921 National Convention of the Socialist Party of America in Detroit, written for the New York Call. A pointed resolution calling for the expulsion of party members favoring affiliation with the Comintern (which required the expulsion of Morris Hillquit and others as a precondition for membership) was defeated, with only two delegates voting for the measure. The Socialist Party's failing finances dominated the discussion, with Morris Hillquit of New York moving a motion for the rapid raising of a $10,000 fund within 30 days for support of the National Office; this figure was upped to $20,000 by amendment and a paid administrator was to be put to work raising thi emergency fund. The convention was addressed by Jim Maurer of the Pennsylvania Federation of Labor, who intimated that the Communist Left Wing were government agents: "when I think of some of the revolutionaries I've met, who say they are the great leaders, I don't want to have them lead me. Where were they when there was work to be done after the armistice was signed? There they were, calling us names, busting things up. The rank and file may have been all right, but that element was inspired by the government to break us up, make no mistake about that." Another speech by Milwaukee Mayor Dan Hoan demanded the expulsion of "anarchists" from the Socialist Party, declaring, "If anyone doesn’t believe in political action, if they don’t believe in taking off their coats and working on election day, they don’t belong in the party."

"Delegates Ask US Recognize Soviet Russia: Convention Condemns Boycott Against Workers’ Republic -- New Executive Committee Chosen: Federations Intact," by William M. Feigenbaum [events of June 29, 1921]  Continuing coverage by the New York Call of the 1921 National Convention of the Socialist Party of America reaches the fifth and final day. A new National Executive Committee is elected, consisting of James Oneal, James Maurer, William H. Henry, William M. Brandt, Ed Melms, Lilith Martin, and Julius Gerber. Going into the convention an end was forecast for language federations as part of the structure of the SPA, but following hours of debate on the convention floor the decision was made to retain the federation structure virtually unchanged.  Sensationalistic coverage of the convention in the Detroit press inspired the Disabled World War Veterans’ Association to send a delegation to heatedly warn the Socialists against revolution, with the spokesman for the group stating "We do not advocate force, but it there is any disloyalty we will meet it as we have met other enemies, with machine guns." Chairman for the day Cameron King of California replied that there was "only one organization in the world which attempted to stop the war, which has caused you and millions like you such suffering. That was the international Socialist movement. We are proud of our internationalism. We only regret that we were too weak to stop the war." With these pleasantries exchanged, the war veterans left the hall and the convention moved to other business, chiefly the passage of resolutions and the hearing of reports.

"Proceedings of the SP National Convention at Detroit: Nationalistic Spirit Rules. Delegates Repudiate Affiliation with 3rd International. Left Wing Hopelessly Weak. 'Milwaukee Socialism' in Complete Control," by Thurber Lewis [events of June 25-29, 1921] An extensive first-hand account of the 1921 Socialist Party convention in Detroit, at which the SPA stepped away definitively from any possible affiliation with the Third International. Since no stenogram exists for this gathering , Lewis' account has the effect of filling in blank spots in our information. One scene related by Lewis is particularly dramatic: on the last day of the gathering, some 100 nationalists from the "Disabled Veterans of the World War" marched into the high school auditorium where the convention was being held. There were only 39 regular and 11 fraternal delegates to the convention -- they were thus outnumbered by 2:1. Their spokesman, a man named Horr from Seattle, attempted intimidation, as Lewis recounts: "He said that the news had reached them that there was evidence of disloyalty at the convention. He 'hoped to God the reports were untrue.' But if it were true that someone said the red flag of Internationalism was the only flag (Engdahl), if there were those here who advocated force, he went on in a passion, let them come outside. Of course, no one arose to comply. He then warned the convention that 'force would be met with force.'" Lewis expresses grudging admiration for the brave response by the Socialists' chairman of the day, Cameron King of California, who told the veterans: "As Americans we demand the right of free speech, free press, and free assemblage. You have suffered, it is true, but we, too have suffered," he went on. "If we had had our way, you would not have had to suffer." Lewis comments that "The Vets were of course whipped, and they showed it as they meekly filed out," although he cattily remarks that the Right Wing veterans had been "applauded by the delegation, coming in and going out."

 

"The Socialist Party Convention," by James Oneal  [events of June 25-29, 1921]  Perennial Socialist Party National Executive Committee member James Oneal offers a relatively mixed response to the decisions the recently completed annual Socialist Party National Convention for readers of the New York Call. Oneal lists a number of decisions not to act, including the turning back of a provision for ideologically-based expulsions, agreement not to seek unconditional affiliation with the Third International and a similar decision not to pursue affiliation with the 2-1/2 International in Vienna, and the tabling of resolutions relating to sabotage, direct action, and mass action. The convention did move on matters of fundraising, production of propaganda leaflets, and expanding outreach to women. A proposal to "call a congress of various organizations to unite in one organization" -- the essential idea of the Conference for Progressive Political Action -- was rejected. The party's language federation system, targeted for elimination by some in the party, was instead retained. Oneal criticizes the efforts of "hostile elements" inside and outside the party to join with outside radical forces to undermine official SPA amnesty and defense efforts, seeking "revolutionary action" rather than "petit bourgeois" fundraising and political pressure tactics. "In this 21st anniversary year it remains for the Socialists of the nation, those who were not deceived by the imperialist powers of darkness; those who were never lured by the specious pleas of apostates; those who were never swerved by the emotional hysteria and morbid expectations within our own ranks, to register the will to rebuild the Socialist movement," Oneal declares.

"Berger's Convention," by John Keracher [events of June 25-29, 1921] This is an interesting perspective of the 1921 Detroit Convention of the Socialist Party of America, written by the leader of the Proletarian Party of America (based in Detroit) and published in that organization's official organ. Keracher sees the 1921 SPA Convention as a triumph of "Bergerism," with the new SPA "Left Wing" based around the publication The Workers Council and the Chicago party organization tiny, isolated, and decisively defeated. "These delegates had practically no support, a fact that was quickly taken advantage of by Berger, who made them the target for his shafts of wit," Keracher notes, adding that the most controversial matter -- the question of international affiliation -- readily disposed of on the first day of the proceedings, with association with the 3rd and 2-1/2 Internationals defeated handily and a decision not to affiliate with any international body passed by a vote of 31 to 8. Berger mockingly referred to the Left Wing as "Chicago Communists," Keracher notes, adding that he talked down to Left Wing leader William Kruse "like a daddy talking to a wayward boy, hoping that he would bye and bye grow into a great big man." Keracher also emphasizes the debate over the question of the "Dictatorship of the Proletariat," with the Left Wing's endorsement of the concept of a "Dictatorship of the Proletariat" in the transition period from Capitalism to Communism defeated by a big majority. Thus "these 'pure democrats' who expelled only 60 percent of their membership expressed themselves as 'opposed to the rule of any Minority,'" Keracher snidely observes. A further split of the SPA Left Wing in the near future is anticipated by Keracher.


"Circular Letter to Division Superintendents of the Bureau of Investigation from Special Assistant to the Attorney General Warren G. Grimes in the name of Chief of the BoI Lewis J. Baley, June 30, 1921."  The defects of the underground model of organization for the Communist Party of America in terms of constructing a sustainable, growing organization are well know. This internal document of the Bureau of Investigation is interesting as a demonstration that this organizational cost had a benefit -- the organization's constantly-changing pseudonyms befuddled the Department of Justice sleuths in their efforts to determine real life identities. "There is considerable confusion as to the identity of 'Charles E. Scott,'" Grimes acknowledges in this memo to BoI Division Superintendents. The pseudonym had been identified as that of Nicholas Hourwich, L.E. Katterfeld, and Alfred Wagenknecht, Grimes continues -- however, recent descriptions of Scott "do not tally with the descriptions on file of any of these three men. In addition, the pseudonym of Executive Secretary "Paul Holt" had been attached to four different real life identities -- three of them wrong. A plea is made for "every possible effort is to be made by the offices in your division to straighten out the matter."

 

JULY 1921

"'Farewell!' to the Socialist Party: An Appeal to Its Remaining Members: Statement by the Committee for the Third International of the Socialist Party to the Members of the Socialist Party." [Circa July 1921]. The Committee for the Third International was the organized faction for Left Wing realignment of the Socialist Party of America in 1920-21, after the departure of the great bulk of the Left Wing Section for the Communist Party of America, Communist Labor Party of America, and Proletarian Party of America. Headed by Secretary J. Louis Engdahl and including such future Communist leadership cadres as William F. Kruse, Benjamin Glassberg, Alexander Trachtenberg, J.B. Salutsky, and Moissaye Olgin, the Committee for the Third International formally left the SPA with this statement, published as a pamphlet in the aftermath of the June 25-29, 1921 Convention of the party. "A new home for constructive revolutionary Socialism must be built. Another political party of the working class must be established with the passing of the Socialist Party," the farewell statement declared. In the interim, a formal organization called The Workers' Council was established -- a group which merged with the American Labor Alliance and elements of the majority underground CPA to form the Workers Party of America in December 1921.

"The Communist Party and its Tasks," by C.E. Ruthenberg [July 1921] Although imprisoned in New York state, Communist Party leader C.E. Ruthenberg still managed to publish this pseudonymous article in the official organ of the newly united Communist Party of America. Ruthenberg reveals here the almost total annihilation of the Communist Labor Party prior to its 1920 merger with a dissident minority wing of the old CPA -- reduced to "less than a thousand of the original ten or fifteen thousand members." Ruthenberg attributes the previous two years of factional war, now seemingly ended by the merger, to the premature "hip-hip-hurrah" establishment of the American Communist Party. The draconian actions of the leadership of the Socialist Party of America had driven "thousands of members who did not belong there" into the Communist movement, weakening both the Socialist and Communist movements in the process. Ruthenberg urges that revolutionary verbiage be eschewed, and that effort be made in particular to lead and guide a movement mobilizing the unemployed. By establishing a program towards the unemployed and mobilizing unemployed workers into mass meetings and mass demonstrations in support of that agenda, the Communist movement would bring the unemployed into conflict with the "mailed fist of the capitalist government," ultimately creating a pool of alienated workers which could be moved to action for the overthrow of the state when a revolutionary situation presented itself. Ruthenberg advised the development of meaningful slogans and to use similar tactics in the labor movement, for the liberation of political prisoners, and in opposition to militarism as well as with regard to the unemployed.

"Legion Mob Kidnaps Kate O’Hare in Idaho: Driven for Hours Through Desert by Band of 20, Socialist Lecturer is Released, Penniless, in Nevada." (NY Call) [event of July 1, 1921]  On the night of July 1, 1921, recently released Federal prisoner Kate Richards O'Hare was kidnapped from her room in Twin Falls, Idaho, by a mob of about 20 right wing nationalists, driven by automobile for hours, and dumped without funds over the Nevada state line. While the first of this report gives telegraphic details of the incident, including the facts that 10 arrests of American Legion kidnappers followed, the great bulk of the piece recalls O'Hare's arrest and imprisonment for 13 months under the so-called Espionage Act during World War I for an anti-war speech delivered in North Dakota. O'Hare promised to return to Twin Falls to fulfill her speaking engagement rather than to be bowed by the actions of the anti-socialist mob, according to this report.

 

"BoI Informant's Report on the Cleveland District Conference of the unified CPA," by "Ryan"-"Hill" [July 3-4, 1921] An invaluable participant's account of the first Cleveland District Conference of the newly unified Communist Party of America by the Bureau of Investigation's top informant inside the organization, the Pittsburgh Sub-District Organizer hailing from the former UCP who used the pseudonyms "Ryan" and "Hill." The BoI informer describes traveling to Cleveland with Joseph Stilson and 3 other delegates by train to reach the convention, which was attended by 9 delegates from the former UCP, 8 delegates from the former CPA, and 2 fraternal delegates. Security procedures were in place, including 3 lookouts, "Ryan-Hill" indicates. The election of a new District Executive Committee (DEC) for the newly unified District organization was the prime subject of concern, and "Ryan-Hill" describes the way in which he and 4 other leading members of the former-UCP agreed upon a slate of 4 former-UCP candidates for the 5 member DEC; these names were then passed along to the other delegates hailing from the former-UCP and the caucus carried the day with its slate. Thus, even at a small meeting such as this, a caucus within a caucus and bloc voting along party lines was the mechanism of election, rather than honest discussion and open elections. "Ryan-Hill," the Bureau of Investigation informer, describes how Stilson suspected delegate Joseph Verba of being a spy, leading to a search for evidence and a shouting match.

 

"Memorandum to Edward J. Brennan, BoI Division Superintendent, Chicago, from Jacob Spolansky, Special Agent in Chicago, July 9, 1921." This document demonstrates the effectively of the American Communist movement's use of pseudonyms in befuddling the agents of the Department of Justice's Bureau of Investigation. The BoI's highly lauded Chicago agent Jacob Spolansky goes 0-for-2 in his attempt to identify Comintern Representative "Charles E. Scott" -- who Spolansky insists is Alfred Wagenknecht -- and United Communist Party Executive Secretary -- who Spolansky wrongly identifies as Edgar Owens. Bearing in mind that the BoI had previously raided UCP headquarters and seized a trove of documents and code information, it is remarkable that the organization remained so confused about the true identities of leading party personnel. Spolansky was not the only BoI agent making wrong guesses about these identities, it should be noted, but rather one of several.

 

"Theses on Tactics: Adopted at the 24th Session of the 3rd World Congress of the Communist International, July 12, 1921." The Theses on Tactics adopted by the 3rd World Congress of the Comintern was one of the seminal documents of the early Communist movement in America. The proposals were drafted by the high-powered Russian delegation in consultation with the German delegation and were introduced at the Congress in a report by Radek. Following their adoption by the Comintern, the Theses on Tactics of the 3rd Congress were regarded as a definitive exposition of the "tactical problems of [the] struggle for the proletarian dictatorship" by the CPA. The Theses declare that world revolution would only take place as the result of a long period of struggle, during which capitalism would generally decay and the revolutionary proletariat would concentrate its energies. The most important task of the Communist movement in the current period is proclaimed to be "the attainment of decisive influence on the most important portions of the working class, in short the leadership of the struggle." The isolated propaganda party is disavowed and participation in the daily struggles of the working class through the trade union movement is endorsed. As for the United States in particular, one of "the most important countries of victorious capitalism," literally "everything" remained to be done, the document states. In the USA "the communists are still before the first and simplest task of creating a communist nucleus and connecting it with the working masses." The document notes that American capital was attempting to "crush and destroy the young communist movement" in an attempt to avert the "imminent dangers" of a radicalized labor movement. This "barbarous persecution" had forced the communists into "an unlegalized existence under which it would, according to capitalist expectations, in the absence of any contact with the masses, dwindle into a propagandist sect and lose its vitality." This effort at forcing isolation had to be countered most energetically, in the view of the Comintern. The pressing need for an overground Communist movement in America is asserted quite explicitly: "The Communist International draws the attention of the United Communist Party of America to the fact that the unlegalized organization must not only form the ground for the collection and crystallization of active communist forces, but that it is their duty to try all ways and means to get out of their unlegalized condition into the open, among the wide masses; that it is their duty to find the means and forms to unite these masses politically, through public activity, into the struggle against American capitalism." Parliamentary activity of the world Communist movement was to concentrate upon the "ruthless unmasking of the agents of the bourgeoisie"; trade union work was not to settle for building of the numerical strength of the union movement, but rather in developing amongst the unionized workers "the consciousness of the coming struggle." Only in this way would the Communist Party of each country "be able to fulfill its task when the time for drastic action will have arrived," according to the Theses on Tactics.

"Extract from the Justice Department Memorandum Brief 'The Origin, Growth, and Activities of the United Communist Party of America,'" by Warren W. Grimes [July 13, 1921]  This is an 8,000 word extract of one of the earliest internal Justice Department histories of the underground American Communist movement, prepared by Warren W. Grimes, special assistant to the Attorney General. Grimes dates the history of the Left Wing to the 1st Russian All-Colonial Convention, held in New York City at the beginning of February 1918. Also worthy of mention in Grimes' telling was the formulation of the Communist Propaganda League on Nov. 7, 1918, and the launch of The Revolutionary Age in Boston two days later. The formal establishment of the organized Left Wing Section is dated to February 1919, with the total membership strength of 8 left wing language federations of the Socialist Party pegged at 25,000 -- a figure far lower (and probably more accurate) than the officially-claimed numbers. The CLP is differentiated by Grimes from the rival old CPA in that its "controlling elements appear to have been English-speaking." As for the CLP: "The history of the party is the story of internal discord and administrative strife," Grimes succinctly states. Moving to the United Communist Party, Grimes gives the organization's membership at the time of formation at "6,725 in good standing" and provides a complete and accurate list of the territories encompassed in the organization's 11 districts. A somewhat imperfect list of pseudonyms of officers is also given. Of particular interest in the report is a long list of pamphlets, including those issued in non-English languages, which the fledgling American Communist movement "assisted in the distribution of, or approved." With respect to finances, Grimes indicates that the early CLP was "managed on a more businesslike basis" than the rival old CPA. Sources of revenue and expenditure are detailed. The April 29, 1921 raid on what was actually UCP headquarters at 170 Bleeker Street, NYC, is mentioned and some of the documents seized in that raid detailed. Organizational strife continued between the UCP and the old CPA, Grimes notes, in which "both parties freely indulged in 'padding' membership and falsifying records, particularly when reports were made to Moscow or conferences were held to endeavor to effect unity." He adds that "the Russian Federation of the Communist Party was the particular offender and therefore the object of open attack." The May 15, 1921 Communist unity convention -- infiltrated by a BoI agent -- is noted and the Overlook Mountain House lodge near Kingston, NY definitively identified as the location of the gathering.

"Letter to Rachele Ragozin in Brooklyn from C.E. Ruthenberg at Sing Sing Penitentiary, Ossining, NY, July 17, 1921." [excerpt]  C.E. Ruthenberg's prison writings will never be mistaken for those of Antonio Gramsci. Hundreds of pages of correspondence flowed back and forth between he and his beloved girlfriend, Rachele Ragozin, who visited him weekly. Both were smitten and their voluminous communications (limited in length and frequency by prison regulations) were almost eerily apolitical. This letter from Ruthenberg to Ragozin is interesting for its self-critical self-analysis. Ruthenberg writes: "I am, I think, naturally rather rational and, possibly, cold, in my judgments and actions. I do not really give way to unreasoning anger and my enthusiasms are usually tempered with cool judgment. Because of these qualities I have rather felt myself alien among people who could let themselves go, who could be angry beyond control, who could manifest friendship beyond reserve, who seemed to be able to give themselves wholly in their emotions..." The love of their relationship has "made me more human, I think," Ruthenberg reckons, able now to appreciate "simpler human relations, to be social, to laugh a little in mere jolly friendship, to be, not only the cold and efficient human machine, but to be human."

 

"Brief Report on the 1st World Congress of RILU: Moscow," by Evan E. Young [events of July 3-19, 1921] Session-by-session outline of the principle activities of the first World Congress of the Red International of Labor Unions, held in Moscow from July 3 to 19, 1921. Note particularly the concluding date of this gathering, which rather surprisingly does not seem to exist elsewhere in the English-language literature. The author of the report, a member of the US State Department staff in Riga, Latvia, apparently compiled this material from reports in the Soviet press. Tension among the American delegates between their Communist and syndicalist/IWW members is noted, a division reflected in the convention as a whole, which ultimately adopted a resolution of A. Lozovsky making explicit the organic connection of the two international groups by a vote of 270 (mandates) to 28. A total of 16 sessions were held by the Congress. Includes a complete list of members of the Executive Bureau (which Young calls the "Soviet") of RILU, with Nicholas Hourwich and Earl Browder representatives of the United States.

 

"The Red Trade Union International: The First World Congress of Revolutionary Unions," by Earl R. Browder [events of July 3-19, 1921] Pioneer American Communist Earl R. Browder, a delegate to the 1st World Congress of the Profintern held in Moscow in the summer of 1921, provides an account of the gathering for the members of the Workers Party of America. Browder characterizes the gathering as the "culmination of a long historical development in the principles and tactics of the international labor movement" in which the wartime use of European trade unions as recruiting grounds for the army and post-war period of the trade unions being instruments of the immediate political situation, in which the bureaucratic leadership of the unions had blocked the revolutionary impulses of the rank and file, had given way to a new phase. "By the spring of 1920 a great movement of revolt against the reactionary control of the trade unions by the international organization at Amsterdam was in full swing throughout Europe," Browder asserts, adding that "this revolt was spontaneous, chaotic and unorganized, and without center or directing head. "The first steps taken to unite all these forces into one disciplined body were taken in Moscow in July 1920, when the leaders of the Russian trade unions took advantage of the presence of many union representatives from England, Italy, France, and other countries, some of whom were attending the Congress of the Communist International, and invited them to confer," Browder states. Anti-political revolutionary syndicalists chose to participate in the 1st World Congress of the Profintern in an attempt to capture it, but this tendency was decidedly in the minority, Browder notes. Browder promises further commentary on the specific issues of division in a future article, which does not appear to have made print in the pages of The Worker.

 

"The 'Reds' in Congress: Preliminary Report of the 1st World Congress of the Red International of Trade and Industrial Unions," by J.T. Murphy [events of July 3-19, 1921] Full text of a pamphlet published in England by delegate to founding convention of the Profintern J.T. Murphy. Murphy gives an extensive first- hand account of the proceedings, a gathering of 342 delegates opened by A. Lozovsky in the Hall of Columns in Moscow. The gathering discussed at length the question of trade union tactics (parallel organization v. "boring from within"), heard a lengthy report by Edvard Varga on the world economic crisis, and dealt with the relationship of the Profintern to the Comintern. This latter matter turned out to be one of the most hotly contested of the Congress, with a syndicalist minority headed by Williams (IWW), Bartels (German Free Unions), T. Barker (Argentina), Mater (German Seamen), Arlandis (Spain), and Sirole (France) attempting to make a case for a fully independent trade union international. The syndicalists were handily defeated by the Communists and their supporters, however, with the vote on the main question of a close relationship being approved by a margin of 285 to 35. A statement pledging the support of RILU in spite of loss on the question (reproduced here) was thereafter signed by 8 members of the defeated syndicalist tendency and presented to the congress, its signatories including Andrés Nin of Spain, George Andreychine of the American IWW, and Tom Mann of England. The Profintern Congress also approved a 17 point program of action, included in the text of this pamphlet.

 

"The Proletarian Party of America," by Warren W. Grimes [July 20, 1921] The American secret police apparatus maintained a substantial network of professional agents and undercover spies observing and reporting upon a range of left wing and labor organizations in the early 1920s, running the gamut from unions to the Civil Liberties Bureau to the Socialist Party to parties of the revolutionary left. This document is a section of a report by a "Special Assistant to the Attorney General" examining the organizational nature and biographies of the two principal leaders of the Proletarian Party of America. The biographies of Dennis Batt and John Keracher are useful synopses of secret police reports, gathered by the "General Intelligence Division" of the Department of Justice's "Bureau of Investigation." A large section of Grimes' report, microanalyzing the program of the Proletarian Party, has been deleted from this version, but his conclusions remain: The PPA is described as a "novel case" which "has made consistent efforts, in its program and activities, to avoid the use of terms as well as clearly expressed tactics which would make it objectionable.... If the failure to use direct terms in the program is intended as camouflage...the attempt is futile, for where they have avoided using the express terms "forcible" or "mass action" and so forth, they have not been able to avoid the "dictatorship of the proletariat," the "Third International," the overthrow of the "capitalist state," the use of armed citizenry against the police and army, which are legal agencies of organized government employed according to law on works opposed to the accomplishment of communist aims, and so forth."

"Camp Tamiment Exceeds Promise of Press Agent: That's What the Vacationists Say When They Arrive -- Informality is the Spirit of the Place, Good Fellowship and Happiness the Result," by William F. Feigenbaum [July 21, 1921]  Lengthy promotional puff piece from the New York Call detailing the launch of Camp Tamiment, a socialist summer camp located in the Adirondacks, about 100 miles outside of New York City. The camp -- which would later become a source of financial sustenance for the Socialist Party and the successor Social Democratic Federation, was operated by the People's Educational Camp Society under the direction of Bertha H. Mailly (chairman of the committee of management), Max Schonberg (business manager), and Alexander Hayman (manager of grounds and construction). Fiegenbaum calls the camp -- loosely identifiable as a socialist educational facility -- "a monument to the dynamic power of the ideal of cooperation." "The story of Tamiment is the story of working men and women who saw a vision, and banded themselves together to achieve what they wanted. Their vision was their own vacation place, their own loafing and playing and frolicking place, their own home. They cannot win everything at a single blow, but they could win their camp. And they set out to win it."

 

"The Future of the Socialist Party," by Thurber Lewis [July 23, 1921] Communist commentator on the Socialist Party Thurber Lewis provides a surprisingly astute analysis of the future path of the SPA in this article from The Toiler, a legal weekly of the Communist Party. Lewis, having recently attended the June 1921 convention of the SPA in Detroit, is well versed on the situation facing the party -- its membership down from a 100,000 to about 15,000 in just 2 years, its finances depleted to the point that organizers were being pulled in, $20,000 in debt staring the organization in the face. Lewis foresaw three possible outcomes: a Left line in which the party would endorse the Third International, cleanse itself of a major part of its remaining membership, and liquidate itself to become part of the Communist Party (which Lewis saw as an extraordinarily unlikely possibility); a Center line in which the group attempted to tread water -- condemning the Third International but refusing to form alliances with other organizations; and a Right line (pushed by the powerful Milwaukee organization) in which fusion with other like-minded political organizations would prove the order of the day. Lewis saw this move to opportunistic alliance with other "progressive" groups to be by far the most likely outcome for the SPA, as in alliance with the Farmer-Labor Party and the Non-Partisan League the Socialist Party would prove an adept partner, would regain organizational strength and prestige, and would be saved from financial oblivion. Failure to achieve this alliance in a broad Labor Party on the British model, on the other hand, would consign the SPA to the position of an irrelevant sect. Failure to form a broad alliance would, in Lewis' view, render the party "a politically lifeless organization, destined to travel much the same road as the SLP has so unwillingly yet gloriously traversed for the past years, a sterile admiration society."

 

AUGUST 1921

"The Need for Open Work," by C.E. Ruthenberg [Aug. 1921] This is a very interesting article from the official organ of the unified Communist Party of America -- not just for its fascinating content, but also for the fact that it was written by Ruthenberg from behind New York prison bars. Ruthenberg (writing under his 1920-21 party name, "David Damon") relates the fact that the United Communist Party during 1920-21 had "created an open organization which was known as an auxiliary of the party. In some cities the authorities and the White Guard organizations of the capitalist class charged that this organization was but the camouflaged UCP, but no attack was made upon it and its work was not interfered with." This bode well for a similar organization to be created in conjunction with the newly unified party. Ruthenberg indicates that given the openly stated party belief that "the use of armed force in the struggle to overthrow the capitalist state is an inevitable phase of the Proletarian Revolution," there would always remain a place for the underground organization. This form was inadequate to the task of building class-conscious, mass support for the cause of revolution among the working class. "Prestige, confidence, leadership can only be established by winning it upon the field of action, in such a way that the workers recognize and see the men and the organization which are seeking to become their leaders in the class struggle. To accomplish this would be indeed a difficult task for a secret, remote, unseen organization such as an underground organization must be of necessity," Ruthenberg writes. He also notes that "the greater part of petty, soul-destroying bickering which has helped so much to keep the Communist Movement in this country sterile, has been due to the fact that the conditions of underground work threw the membership inward upon itself, in place of outward in an attack upon the capitalist class."

 

"The American Labor Alliance: An Editorial," by Otto Branstetter [Aug. 1921] The formation of the American Labor Alliance for Trade Relations with Soviet Russia, an open adjunct of the United Communist Party, was the cause of great mirth for some officials of the beleaguered Socialist Party of America. This editorial in the SP's official organ declared that the formation of the ALA by the Communists constituted "an admission that their theories and their methods were wrong." Citing a number of specific instances, Branstetter chortled that the Left Wing had "arrogantly assumed to themselves all revolutionary wisdom and were the self-appointed and infallible interpreters and executors of Marx and Engels. They assumed to be Neo-Marxists, Neo-Socialists, and Neo-Revolutionists when in reality they were merely Neo-Nuts." "The Communists have utterly failed to make good in America. Their pet theories are all exploded and their plans for the immediate overthrow of the capitalist system through 'revolutionary mass action' have been abandoned," Branstetter declared, adding that the only thing the communists had done effectively was split and weaken the Socialist Party and the radical labor movement in America, generating "fundamentally reactionary" results.

 

"Comrade Louis Shapiro (Bain): An Obituary." [circa Aug. 1, 1921] This brief official obituary marks the death of former Executive Secretary of the old Communist Party Louis Shapiro (L. Bain). Shapiro had been sent on a party mission to Soviet Russia in February 1921 but was subsequently ordered home from Moscow by the new CEC of the unified party. While en route, Shapiro apparently suffered a heart attack and died, with Hamburg, Germany cited as the place of death. Shapiro had been a member of the CPA since its founding and was elected Executive Secretary at the 2nd Convention of the CPA [July 13-18, 1920]. Shapiro "was an active and loyal worker in the movement. Comrade Shapiro died in the service of the Party and the movement [has lost] an active and valued comrade," the obituary notes.

 

"The Negro Convention," by Cyril Briggs [events of Aug. 1-28, 1921] Writing under the pseudonym "C.B. Valentine," founder of the African Blood Brotherhood Cyril Briggs gives his account of the "2nd International Convention of Negroes" called by the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League, headed by Marcus Garvey. Briggs draws contrast between the Garveyites' obsession with matters of rank and privilege, such as various "knighthoods" and a "ladyship" awarded, and the designation of President-General Garvey as the "Provisional President of Africa," etc., with the practical and single-minded desire of the ABB for "real constructive action." Briggs states that "The ABB delegation...demanded among other things a constructive program for 'the guidance of the negro race in the struggle for liberation,' and suggested and agitated before the congress the creation of a federation of existing negro organizations 'in order to present a united and formidable front to the enemy,' and the adoption of a program calling for means 'to raise and protect the standard of living of the negro people,' to "stop the mob-murder of our people and to protect them against sinister secret societies of cracker whites, and to fight the ever expanding peonage system.' They further demanded that Soviet Russia be endorsed by the congress and the real foes of the negro race denounced." The ABB's publication of a weekly journal and other literature hostile to the brazen pocket-stuffing of the Garveyite leadership brought about a crisis late in the month, culminating with Garvey's denunciation of the ABB as "traitors and Bolshevist agents" and the expulsion of the ABB delegates from the convention, Briggs notes.

 

"American Radicals Unite Forces." (news article in Voice of Labor) [Aug. 4, 1921] In August 1921, the former American Labor Alliance for Trade Relations with Soviet Russia was supplanted by a new version of the organization, called simply "The American Labor Alliance." A founding convention was held in New York City, attended by a dozen groups, each of which had close ties to the Communist movement. The convention approved a simple constitution and elected a 7 member governing Executive Board (complete text and roster included in this report from the party press). Following conclusion of the meeting, Caleb Harrison was elected Secretary of the organization and headquarters established in New York. The ALA was to be an alliance of affiliated organizations rather than a membership group itself; finances were to be generated by "voluntary contributions from affiliated organizations and from sympathizers." Membership in the ALA was open to "Any organization which declares itself to be in agreement with the purpose of the ALA and which agrees to abide by its working rules," upon the majority vote of a 7 member Executive Board. Members of the Executive Board elected by the founding convention were: J.P. Cannon, Associated Tailor Clubs; William Woodworth, Marxian Educational Society; L.E. Katterfeld and Edgar Owens, National Defense Committee; Michael Dardella, Ukrainian Workers Club; Dr. Walenka, Friends of Soviet Russia; and Caleb Harrison, Industrial Socialist League.

 

"American Labor Alliance is Launched in New York: Independent Labor Organizations Form a United Body to Abolish Capitalism and Establish a Workers' Soviet Republic: Sentiment Against Reaction is Crystallized." [The Toiler] [Aug. 6, 1921] Announcement in The Toiler about the formation of the Communist Party's new legal mass organization, the American Labor Alliance. The convention call was issued to 15 organizations (mostly affiliates of the CP), to which the following 10 sent delegates: Friends of Soviet Russia; the Irish American Labor League; National Defense Committee; Finnish Socialist Federation; Associated Toiler Clubs; American Freedom Foundation; Ukrainian Workers Club; Industrial Socialist League; Marxian Educational Society; and the Hungarian Workers Federation. Caleb Harrison was elected National Secretary of the ALA and filling out the Executive Board were James P. Cannon, Michael Dardella, L.E. Katterfeld, Edgar Owens, Dr. Walenka, and William Woodworth. The Executive Board pledged to work in three fields of endeavor: lyceum, literature, and defense. Local branches of the ALA were slated for creation and "All true progressive organizations will be encouraged to affiliate and the entire mass of progressive and radical workers will be united to present a common front against its enemies," according to the article.

 

"Circular to All District Organizers, Sub-District Organizers, Section Organizers, and Respective Committees of the Communist Party of America from Ludwig Katterfeld, Executive Secretary, Aug. 6, 1921." This circular letter from new Executive Secretary of the unified CPA L.E. Katterfeld announces the recently concluded 3rd World Congress of the Comintern had adopted a manifesto which called upon Communist Parties around the world to "act in behalf of Soviet Russia through the present crisis." To this end, a new "legal" famine relief organization, the Friends of Soviet Russia, was to be formed (called "the B" in this document). Each District Committee was to elect a committee of 3 trustworthy members to be in charge of legal activities, one of whom was to be designated as Secretary. "The name will be turned over to the [American Labor Alliance], and information how to proceed will be sent him by the [American Labor Alliance] direct," Katterfeld states. "The first public activity for the [American Labor Alliance] will be to launch the [Friends of Soviet Russia], and help energetically in the campaign for relief of the famine stricken districts of Russia. In [the American Labor Alliance] we can affiliate only organizations that comply to certain strict requirements, but in [the Friends of Soviet Russia] we shall ask the cooperation of much wider masses, as is suggested in the call sent out by the Third Congress." Other Russian famine relief organizations are to be amalgamated in the new FSR organization, Katterfeld indicates. "The work is going full blast already. Speakers are being listed, application blanks, subscription lists, appeals, literature, etc. are being prepared, and will be sent as soon as we have the name and address of your legal secretary," Katterfeld notes.

 

"Brutal Officer Attacks Workers' Meeting," by P.S. Kerr [event of Aug. 7, 1921] On Sunday, Aug. 7, 1921, the International Workers' Association held a picnic in a park near Buffalo, New York. Without provocation a speaker was interrupted by a local constable with "a volley of vile oaths, and a threat to pump the speaker full of lead if he continued." The constable is said to have "manhandled" the speaker and ordered him from the grounds, which provoked several in the crowd to free him from the constable's clutches. A woman was thrown to the ground and the speaker taken again by the constable; when the woman and another man remonstrated, the man was " knocked unconscious for a space of 15 minutes by the constable with a pair of brass knuckles or a blackjack." Two more constables bearing shotguns were summoned. The sheriff was quick to address the crowd and disavow the violent doings, saying his office had nothing to do with the affair. Neither the district attorney nor local justices of the peace would charge the violent and illegal actions of the rogue constable the next day, according to Kerr. "No justice is expected in the case. Had the assault been committed by a working man, how different it would have been The conviction of a police officer for assaulting a wage-worker is indeed rare in the annals of jurisprudence," Kerr declares. ** 2011 addenda: This is a Proletarian Party of America item. The PPA still made use of public speakers, even during the period when the rest of the Communist movement was underground. This chronicles what they faced to do that.

 

"The Strength of American Socialism," by James Oneal [Aug. 7, 1921] New York party leader James Oneal attempts to make the case that "he comparatively small increase of the Socialist vote cast in 1920" is in no way indicative of a decline in the prestige, power, and organization of the Socialist Party. While acknowledging that the SP had been left with a "wreck of an organization" by the "coercion and persecution" of the Wilson administration and Right Wing elements around the country. Nevertheless, wherever the party had been able to maintain its presence, its vote totals had increased in 1920, Oneal states. Oneal is optimistic about the party's prospects, noting that for the first time since 1893, an insurgent movement had developed in the ranks of American labor seeking independent working class political action, taking the form of the Farmer-Labor Party, while in the Upper Midwest a radical agrarian movement had emerged under the banner of the Non-Partisan League. Illusions had been smashed by the imperialist outcome of the world war and cynicism had become rampant. Oneal likens the Socialist Party's current moment to the 15 year period prior to the Civil War during which abolitionist forces consolidated themselves from various tributaries into the radical 3rd Party known as the Republican Party, which was soon swept to power. Oneal is upbeat: "I have no fears as to the future of the Socialist movement in this country. In fact, a close study of many financial journals for the past year convinces me that the "best minds" of the present social order are much more puzzled about the future of capitalism. The whole world drifts, the statesmen and financiers known not where. They hope for the best and yet are possessed with fear. The old order seethes with economic contradictions which they are unable to solve."

 

"Is Hoover Bringing Russia Food or Reaction?" by A.C. Freeman [Aug. 7, 1921] This article in the weekly magazine section of the New York Call questions Herbert Hoover's recent announcement that the American Relief Administration would begin work feeding starving children in Soviet Russia. Freeman notes that the previous policy of Hoover's ARA had been "millions for counterrevolutionary emigrés, but not one cent for the starving children of Soviet Russia" and that Hoover is said to have boasted that he "never fed a Red." While acknowledging that Hoover might actually possess "an altogether unsuspected quality of humanity in his character," Freeman notes the recent comments of Hoover's "henchman" T.T.G. Gregory in The World's Work magazine in which Gregory indicates that "acting under Hoover's orders and with his full approval, he utilized his position as controller of the food supplies of Central Europe in order to carry on active intrigues for the overthrow of the Hungarian Soviet government." Freeman charges that "the preservation of millions of human beings from death by disease or starvation was only an incidental and comparatively unimportant item in Mr. Hoover's fundamental scheme of throwing back the red wave. And, in order to realize this scheme, he was just as willing to starve the children of Russian and Hungary as he was to feed the children of Poland and Austria." Freeman relates Gregory's tale of swindling the Hungarian Soviet government out of a payment of $1 million for foodstuffs to feed the starving. Freeman asks: "Is Mr. Hoover trying to bring about in Russia the same counterrevolution and White Terror which he succeeded in bringing about in Hungary? His whole record, considered in connection with the present situation in Russia, would seem to point to this conclusion."

 

"Friends of Soviet Russia Launched: Unions and Other Working Class Organizations United to Relieve Famine in Russia." [The Toiler] [Aug. 9, 1921] This news story in The Toiler announces the formation of the Friends of Soviet Russia, a mass organization started by the Communist Party of America in accord with general instructions of the Communist International to member parties around the world. The organization was launched with a conference held in New York on Aug. 9, 1921, attended by 150 delegates representing 87 organizations, with Dr. Jacob Hartman, editor of the magazine Soviet Russia, in the chair. The new organization was contrasted with the "imperialist terms" and counterrevolutionary nature of the Hoover mission and other capitalist relief efforts. "The organization will collect funds for the relief of famine stricken Russia, the money to be turned over to the Soviet Government or its accredited representatives without imposing any terms. All appeals shall be of a distinctly working class character, class-conscious and free from the humanitarian taint always involved in such enterprises conducted by capitalist organizations," according to the article. An Executive Committee consisting of Dr. Hartman, Caleb Harrison, Edgar Owens, Allen S. Broms, Dr. Mendelsohn, Dr. Wilenkin, Dr. Reichel was elected by the conference. This group in turn selected as officers Caleb Harrison, Chairman; Allen S. Broms, Secretary; and Dr. J.W. Hartman, Treasurer.

 

"Legion Mob Kidnaps Mrs. Hazlett in Iowa: Banker's Son, Who is Local Commander, Leads Gang That Seizes Socialist Speaker, and Drives Her 20 Miles in Country and Back -- Mayor Refuses Protection." (NY Call) [event of Aug. 11, 1921] News account briefly detailing the kidnapping of Socialist Party organizer Ida Crouch Hazlett by a car full of ultra-nationalist American Legion thugs when the party founder was attempting to speak in the little town of Shenandoah, Iowa. Hazlett was pulled down from the automobile from which she was speaking and thrust into a waiting car, which drove away at high speed. The 8 Right Wing goons menaced Hazlett, instructing her not to speak any more in Shenandoah; Hazlett boldly refused to agree. Eventually, the kidnappers thought better of their action and turned around, returning Hazlett to her hotel unharmed. Hazlett immediately complained to the authorities, who refused to either arrest her kidnappers or promise her future protection. The Aug. 11 kidnapping was the 5th in a series of abuses against Hazlett by the American Legion, which had previously systematically harassed at Newton, Des Moines, and Boone. ""The state of Iowa is in the hands of an American Legion mob of kids," Hazlett declared.

 

"The Party and the Future," by Victor L. Berger [Aug. 13, 1921] The year 1921 was a watershed for the Socialist Party of America. The internecine war of 1919 had been "won" by the Regular faction and control of the party maintained -- but the administration had managed to both rule and ruin. Mass purges and ongoing disillusionment had caused party membership to plummet from more than 100,000 in the first half of 1919 to less than 15,000 by the middle of 1921. A severe financial crisis had followed. The vision of an inevitably glorious future for the SPA had vanished in the wind, and a broad fundamental reevaluation of the party's ideology and tactics followed. This article by the Socialist Party's leading realist, Victor Berger, is based upon the observation that the SPA had failed to become "the great opposition party against capitalism" during the subsequent half decade. Berger places blame for this failure on the fragmented American working class, consisting of dozens of nationalities, combined with the revival of "innumerable national prejudices and race hatreds that had slumbered for years" as a byproduct of American entry into the world war. The SPA had additionally be trapped between what Berger likens to "two millstones" --one being the opposition to the party's principled opposition to the war, the other being the "Communistic ideas among the workers, especially those of foreign birth," developing because of the war. Its membership atrophied by these external factors, Berger states that the party's development was additionally handicapped by "an impossible and ironclad set of rules that were considered sacred - from the old and defunct Socialist Labor Party." "It was and is actually considered a crime to vote for anybody who is not a regular card member," Berger observes, arguing that the net result was the reduction of the party to a sort of "perfectionist sect." Berger concludes that sectarian tactics must be cast aside and "we must by all means support, strengthen, and uphold our Socialist organization at the present time as well as in the future. At the same time, however, we must show our willingness to cooperate with any radical group - no matter what its makeup or complexion -- that is willing to assist us and to cooperate with us on the political or economic field in our continuous and ceaseless battle against the capitalist system."

 

"Volkszeitung Recovers Its Mailing Rights: Hays, in Announcing Restoration of Paper's Status, Declares Post Office Censorship is Gone...: All Papers Carried in Mails at All are Entitled to Second-Class Rights, is Postmaster's View," by Laurence Todd [event of Aug. 14, 1921] With the coming to power of the Warren Harding administration, the draconian anti-libertarian policies of the Wilson regime came under new scrutiny. Subject to particular liberalization was the application of statute by the post office department, with new Postmaster General Will Hays reconsidering the Burleson policy of the mass voiding of 2nd Class mailing privileges of the opposition press. On Aug. 14, 1921, the 2nd Class mailing privilege of the Marxist New Yorker Volkszeitung was restored, with Postmaster General Hays issuing an extensive statement reflecting upon the official change of policy (reproduced in full here). While noting statutory prohibition of certain matter from the mails, Hays states: "I want again to call the attention of the publishers to the fact that I am not, and will not allow myself to be made, a censor of the press. I believe that any publication that is entitled to use of the mails at all is entitled to the 2nd Class privileges, provided that it meets the requirements of the law for 2nd Class matter.... I will at all times act with moderation and consideration for the freedom of the press, but I must and will enforce in good faith, without evoking technicalities..." Solicitor Edwards echoed these views, telling Laurence Todd of the Federated Press that "It is not our purpose or duty to advocate or oppose any school of political though so long as it does not violate any existing law interpreted liberally to permit mailability."

 

"Finn Federation Report Pledges Aid for Party: Reorganized Socialist Division now has 3,300 Members with 66 Locals in 14 States...: Convention Decides Central Office Will Be Moved from Chicago to Fitchburg, Mass."(NY Call) [events of Aug. 13-15, 1921] This unsigned news report in the Socialist Party's New York Call announces the results of an August 1921 convention reorganizing the Finnish Socialist Federation, which had declared its independence from the SPA at the end of 1920 and slowly moved towards the Communist orbit. The reorganization convention had been attended by 12 delegates, each representing approximately 300 members of the Finnish Federation. The reorganized Finnish Socialist Federation included 66 locals in 14 states, predominantly in New England and elsewhere in the East. New organizational rules for the reorganized Finnish Socialist Federation were adopted and headquarters for the group were moved from Chicago to Fitchburg, MA -- location of the federation's daily newspaper, Raivaaja. The unknown Finnish-American writer optimistically notes: "Our Federation is now smaller than it has been for many years. But the days of dissension and dissolution are past. The agitated and chaotic state of the European Socialist movement, which has reacted upon our movement here, is slowly subsiding. The progress of events demonstrated that the new revolutionary theories, built by the Russian Communists upon the moment's expediency, are false. The workers, and especially the Socialists, received an object lesson in Marxian theory that there is no shortcut to Socialism. And this lesson will be of immense value for the Socialist movement in the future. It will save it from destructive emotionalism."

 

"Some Important CEC Decisions." [article in CPA Official Bulletin, circa Aug. 15, 1921] This summary of key decisions of the governing Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party of America in June and July 1921 was sent out to the membership of the party in a printed official bulletin. Party officials of the newly unified are listed, with all pseudonyms solved here. L.E. Katterfeld was named to replace Charles Dirba as Executive Secretary, with Dirba formally rebuked for circulating an unauthorized inflammatory explanation of his July 29 resignation among federation groups. Oscar Tyverovsky was named the CPA's representative to the Comintern, with Max Bedacht recalled. James Cannon resigned as editor of The Toiler, replaced by Jay Lovestone -- who headed the party's editorial department, assisted by John Ballam. Sixty cent monthly dues were no longer to be collected via federation channels but rather by regular party channels funneling money to professional District Organizers of the newly reorganized districts. Harry Wicks was denied admission as an undesirable member, while Max Cohen and Alex Bittelman were similarly refused readmission by CEC vote due clearly to lingering personal antipathy. The belated arrival of CI Rep Shachno Epstein is noted and the Comintern's advocacy though him of an English language daily newspaper, increased trade union work, and a de-emphasis of "our slogans regarding armed insurrection" in propaganda to the masses.

"Language Federations." [article in CPA Official Bulletin, circa Aug. 15, 1921] Brief review of the foreign language federation situation in the newly established unified Communist Party of America. The new organization included groups conducting their business in an astounding 21 different languages, the article reports, including several languages largely ignored in the literature, such as Armenian, Turkish, Japanese, and Spanish. A membership of 250 was deemed sufficient under the constitution for the organization of a formal "Federation Language Bureau." The article notes that ten such groups existed: Croatian, Finnish, German, Hungarian, Latvian, Lithuanian, Polish, Russian, Ukrainian, and Yiddish. National Conferences had been called to organize each of these 10 language groups, and the Bureaus of each were "expected" to issue the monthly official organ of the CPA, The Communist, in their own language. Similar parallel versions were also planned in Armenian, Czech, Estonian, and Italian — making a total of 15 planned editions of the central organ. These costly and cumbersome parallel underground periodicals were to be distributed by party members to workers speaking these languages "no matter whether he himself can read it or not." Few specimens have survived and the extent to which these well laid plans were actually put into effect is largely unknown.

"Mrs. Hazlett to Sue Ringleader of Legion Mob: $20,000 Damage Action to Be Brought Against Son of Banker Who Kidnapped Her." (NY Call) [event of Aug. 16, 1921] Having received no satisfaction with the partisan application of criminal law in the small town of Shenandoah, Iowa, Socialist Party organizer Ida Crouch Hazlett took her kidnapping by American Legion thugs to civil court for remedy, announcing that a $20,000 lawsuit was being launched against the ringleader of the crime for having violated Hazlett's civil rights. In announcing her intention to bring suit, Hazlett revealed additional details of her kidnapping, charging that alleged ringleader Thomas Murphy had raised his hand to strike her and that she had boldly averted injury by challenging the 8 Legionnaires to go the full measure and to kill her. "Riding down the road at terrific speed," Hazlett recounted, "I suggested that they kill me. I pictured my body hacked to pieces and scattered along the road. I implied that it would certainly add to the sweet memories of their mothers. Then I switched the picture. I suggested the possibility that the car might be wrecked and all of us killed. Their mothers would not like to see that, would then? That twist changed their minds. And when I suggested that the only thing to do was to turn back, they simply had to obey."

 

"W.J. Burns Named Director of Federal Secret Service: Will Head All US Detective Agencies Under Reorganization -- Flynn Has Not Yet Resigned - Successor Was First Sleuth to Carve Career From Class Struggle." (NY Call) [event of Aug. 18, 1921] This news account in the Socialist Party daily, the New York Call, announces the appointment of veteran labor spy and detective agency chief William J. Burns as Director of the Department of Justice's Bureau of Investigation, forerunner of the FBI. Burns, who was replacing William J. Flynn in the post, is said to have been a fellow resident of Columbus, Ohio, and long-time friend of the new Attorney General of the Harding administration, Harry Daugherty. The career of Burns is briefly recounted here, including his growing up the son of the police commissioner of Columbus and work there as a local detective, his joining of the Secret Service in 1889 and promotion to the Washington, DC office 5 years later, his founding of the Burns Detective Agency, and his greatest professional coup, the conviction of the MacNamara brothers in the bloody bombing of the Los Angeles Times building in 1911. Burns and his company had lately been intimately connected to the financial giant J.P. Morgan & Co., providing intelligence and protection, the article states.

 

"Financing of Ultra-Radical Propaganda in the United States," by Warren W. Grimes (Special Assistant to the Attorney General) [excerpts] (Aug. 20, 1921) Despite possession of documents indicating that the American Communist movement was impoverished and that budgeted Comintern funds were in the low 6 figures -- of which a considerable portion had gone missing -- the Department of Justice was not in the least deterred from making asinine overassessments of foreign funding of the American movement. This Aug. 20, 1921 report of Special Assistant to the Attorney General Warren W. Grimes (a top-ranking DoJ official of similar stature to J. Edgar Hoover) is the epitome of fantastic exaggeration. Despite the utter lack of corroborating evidence, Grimes declares that "authentic estimates from abroad" had indicated "Gold Shipments from Soviet Russia" to the American Communist Parties to the tune of $45 million for the 1919-21 period -- or 1,406,250 troy ounces of the precious metal (@$32/troy oz.). An astounding $70,913.66 per day (including Sundays and holidays) were said to be at the disposal of the country's Communists from this source of funding alone, not to mention other sources of revenue and the "enormous expenditures of the American Agency of the Communist International in connection with the unity proceedings of the Communist Parties." Why not a pinch of this vast quantity of yellow metal had ever been seized by an agent of the Bureau of Investigation or why no paper trail of these vast financial transactions had ever been located is left unexplained. Grimes provides estimates of gross revenue for the full gamut of Left Wing organizations and publications.

  SEPTEMBER 1921

A Call for United Action: To All Labor Unions, Farmers' Organizations, and Other Economic, Political, Cooperative, and Fraternal Organizations of the Producing Class. [Sept. 1921] The origin of the Conference for Progressive Political Action has long been attributed to a joint decision of the 16 main railway unions, which sponsored a founding conference in Chicago in February of 1922. This September 1921 appeal for just such an organization, written and transmitted to the various unions by the National Executive Committee of the Socialist Party, lends support for the theory that this idea actually originated outside the 16 railway brotherhoods. The Socialist Party's vision was of a loose alliance which brought together various labor groups in joint political action "similar to that of the federated organizations of the British Labour Party." According to the appeal, America was embroiled in "the worst industrial depression we have ever experienced," with six million workers unemployed, armed anti-union bands given free reign under the moniker of "detective agencies," while other bands of thugs like the American Legion and the Ku Klux Klan operated outside the rule of law altogether. Employers shamelessly used the legislative and judicial arms of the state to conduct an open shop drive which threatened the very existence of the organized labor movement. In response, a "united front" joining the forces of "every progressive, liberal, and radical organization of the workers must be mobilized to repel these assaults and to advance the industrial and political power of the working class," according to the NEC's appeal.

"A New Nation in Harlem," by Worth Tuttle [Sept. 1921]  Excellent first-hand journalism from the scene of the 31-day long 2nd Annual Convention of Marcus Garvey's Universal Negro Improvement Association in New York City. Tuttle describes the pageantry and neo-religious trappings consciously employed for the open sessions of the convention held each evening: beginning with a hymn and a prayer, featuring a choir and music from the "official band of the Black Star Line," as the crowd anxiously awaits the dramatic appearance of Garvey, clad in a robe of red silk and green velvet, accompanied by a paramilitary guard snappily attired in blue, red, and gold uniforms. Biblical references are steadily employed by the movement, Tuttle notes. "There is the corps of Black Cross Nurses and the girl and boy scouts. There is the living symbol of a national life, a black Liberty, draped in red and green, carrying a new scepter, crowned with a black pileus. The audience gazes with rapture, thrilled with all the joys of a nationality, without, as yet, any of its responsibilities," Tuttle writes. Part and parcel with the show is the fundraising effort to support the steamship line -- a international commercial freight-shipping venture. Garvey makes his financial appeals cleverly and in a variety of ways: appealing to black pride, appealing to his shipping venture as the embryonic solution of the unemployment problem, and making the appeal on financial grounds, presenting Black Star Line shares as a potentially lucrative investment. However, the shipping business is difficult and highly competitive, Tuttle notes, and the prospects of the company uncertain. Despite this, Tuttle declares, the members of UNIA "look upon the Black Star Line and the African Communities League in the way Mr. Garvey would have them look on it — as agents of racial regeneration rather than as agents of monetary return. It would seem that the wise policy for the directors would be to stop talking about fabulous returns and to admit the impossibility of dividends for a long time to come. Otherwise the clamor of disappointed investors may stifle the voice of an awakening people."

 

"The Necessity for Legal Work," by J. Wilenkin ("J. Morris") [circa Sept. 1, 1921] This article by veteran Russian Federationist Dr. J. Wilenkin from the underground official organ of the unified CPA details the thinking behind the recent move of the governing Central Executive Committee of the party towards a legal political organization. The two Communist Parties had begun as open organizations, a status which "succeeded in attracting the attention of the broad toiling masses and have helped considerably to spread our ideas among them." Soon thereafter, Wilenkin recalls that "we were compelled to go underground to protect the movement, strengthen our organization, to create a strongly centralized party, and to develop a clearly defined revolutionary program," since "only through an underground organization could we make clear to the proletariat of this country the ultimate necessity of armed insurrection for the overthrow of the bourgeois state and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat." Wilenkin asserts that "the CPA has now reached a point where a change of tactics is an absolute necessity. This change is vital not only to the party but to the progress of the entire American labor movement. The mountain did not go to Mohammed, so Mohammed must go to the mountain. The masses do not and will not come to our underground organization, so we must organize above and carry out agitation on a legal basis." Wilenkin states that "our isolation was affecting the entire party," causing it to become "more and more sectarian." Wilenkin declares "the purpose of legal work is, through propaganda and agitation, to awaken in the proletarian masses an interest in the political struggle," and towards this end the party must be prepared to work with a variety of outside organizations, including those headed by a reactionary leadership. Wilenkin indicates that "The proletarian masses are instinctively revolutionary as the Russian Revolution has demonstrated" and argues that to suppose that the rank and file of such organizations are automatically reactionary is incorrect and narrow, a manifestation of what Lenin called the "infantile disorder of Leftism." Wilenkin about the question of armed revolution, acknowledging that one argument put forward "against legal Communist propaganda is that at the present time we will be compelled to refrain from propagating openly some of our principles, such as the necessity of armed insurrection." Wilenkin states that the continued existence of a controlling underground apparatus punctures any such objections: "Whatever cannot be circulated through legal means can and must be given publicity through our underground political party. The illegal party remains the controlling factor. It directs all the agitation and propaganda of the illegal as well as of the legal organization." Wilenkin provides a quotation from Comintern head Grigorii Zinoviev's at the recently completed 3rd World Congress of the Comintern validate the CEC's conception of dual underground and overground political organizations. Zinoviev had said: "We must advise our American friends to learn to work not only within the limits of the illegal party, but to organize notwithstanding the White Terror, a legal and semi-legal movement, functioning parallel to the party, in order to win over larger circles of the working class."

 

"The Party at the Crossroads," by Jay Lovestone ("Roger B. Nelson") [circa Sept. 1, 1921] This article by Central Executive Committee member Jay Lovestone portrays the unified Communist Party of America as being at a crossroads -- facing a decision whether to continue on the underground path towards isolation, sectarianism, and irrelevance or whether to take the new path of legality, leading to contact with the American working class, leading toward a mass organization and opportunity for success in the coming struggle for power. Lovestone's conception of the pivotal role of the Communist Party is clear: "The Party must fulfill its historic role of serving as the guiding, unifying, and directing center of the class struggle. We must lend unity of plan and purpose to the American labor movement....Propaganda alone is not sufficient for the realization of working class victory. It is high time that we act. The Party must develop such a machinery as will enable the entire membership to actively participate in all the struggles of the working masses. We must further give these struggles a political character and direct them into revolutionary channels." Lovestone directly quotes from the "Theses on Tactics" proposed by the Russian delegation to the 3rd World Congress of the Comintern earlier that summer, which explicitly told the Americans "it is the Party's duty to try all ways and means to get out of the illegalized condition into the open, among the wide masses." "It is therefore the inviolable duty of every member of the Party to give the Central Executive Committee undivided support in its efforts to build a Party of life, of action, of revolutionary power," Lovestone declares.

 

"What Shall We Do in the Unions?" by Joseph Zack Kornfeder [circa Sept. 1, 1921] Lengthy statement of proposed policy for the unified Communist Party of America by Joseph Zack, active in the industrial organizing arm of the party. [Note: Zack wrote here under the pseudonym "J.P. Collins" -- a pseudonym incorrectly attached to J.P. Cannon in 1957 by Theodore Draper and as recently as 2007 in a book on Cannon by Bryan Palmer.] Zack blames that backwards level of the American trade union movement not on its multinational nature, but rather on the conscious failure of the AFL to organize unskilled and black workers, and its concentration on the antiquated craft union system. Zack calls for the Communist Party to work at raising the class consciousness of the American working class and to help batter down barriers to participation in the unions such as racial barriers, high initiation fees, and undemocratic forms of union organization. The Communist Party must get serious about this, Zack declares: "The days when mere attendance at group meetings and occasional leaflet distribution was considered sufficient are over. Every member who is eligible must join a labor union. Those that cannot join a labor union must join the workers' organization in their territory. Every member must serve as a link between the Party and the masses." Zack calls for the establishment of foreign language speaking nuclei in each industrial unit: "Russian miners should be place in Russian miners' nuclei, Polish workers into Polish nuclei, etc. They shall be connected with all the other language or English nuclei in their trade union or industries. Each of the language nuclei should organize the sympathizers in its language." Zack declares there to be 4 principal sorts of party sympathizers: "(1) the communist sympathizer, those workers who agree with the main points of our program; (2) the revolutionary syndicalists; (3) the Left Socialist element; (4) the anarchists. In this country, due to the backwardness of many sections of the labor movement, even less conscious elements than the above mentioned could be used to great advantage on many occasions." Of these, he asserts the revolutionary syndicalists of the IWW to be the most important, and the winning of the IWW activists to the Communist banner thus the most critical. "The only way for the IWW's functioning effectively is to work as a minority within the organized labor movement, not by worshiping three letters but by doing everything to put across their program," Zack declares.

 

"My Interview with Debs in his Prison," by James H. Maurer [event of Sept. 1, 1921] First-hand account of a Sept. 1, 1921 visit by Socialist Party leader James Maurer to Gene Debs at Atlanta Federal Penitentiary, quoting an extensive letter written to Socialist Party Executive Secretary Otto Branstetter at the time. "What made the greatest impression on me was Gene's mental and physical condition. He has a healthy color, looks like a farmer, tanned as though he had worked on a farm. I mentioned to him that he looked as though he was enjoying good health, and he assured me that he was feeling fine. As to his mental faculties, I can truthfully say they are as keen as ever. All this talk about his being a mental wreck is rot," Maurer writes. Branstetter and Maurer had been concerned about the efforts of the Communists to win Debs' allegiance. "From my conversation with Gene I feel sure that the "impossibilists" have not succeeded in fooling him. We talked about the much-heralded revolution which is now years overdue, and we both enjoyed a good laugh. I asked him not to commit himself to any 'ism' until he had an opportunity of looking the field over after his discharge, and his answer was that I could rest easy on that point," Maurer writes.

 

"Letters to Oscar Tyverovsky in Moscow from Charles Dirba (Sept. 3, 1921) and John Ballam (Sept. 2, 1921)." An account of the factional situation in America provided to the Central Caucus faction's man in Moscow, Oscar Tyverovsky, representative of the CPA to the Executive Committee of the Communist International. Here the decision to establish a Legal Political Party by the CEC Majority Group is given distinctly less emphasis than their factional machinations with respect to District Organizers and the conferences of the language federations. It is no so much the content of the policy initiatives sought by the CEC Majority Group that cause distress so much as the brazenness and tone of the group towards the former members of the old CPA and the timing and details of the move to a LPP. Includes copious explanatory footnotes.

 

"Jewish Group in Party Will Convene Today: Federation, 500 Weak Now, Thought Certain to be Destroyed, No Matter What Action is Taken: Once Numbered 5,000: Organized as Autonomous Body in 1912, Its Officials Have Fought Party Since Albany Trial." (NY Call) [Sept. 3, 1921] From Sept. 3-5, 1921, a special convention of the Jewish Socialist Federation was held to decide the question of that organization's future affiliation with the Socialist Party of America. The Executive Committee of the JSF sought to sever ties with the parent organization, in favor of some sort of affiliation with the Third International -- although there was very little support remaining within the Federation for the underground tactics of the CPA (the Left Wing of the organization having already departed in 1919-20). This is the first of 4 reports in the Socialist Party's New York daily detailing the proceedings of the JSF special convention. The loss of the JSF is seen as a foredrawn conclusion by the reporter, who notes that with the 1921 convention "an important chapter in the Socialist movement comes to a close." The importance of this change is minimized, the unnamed reporter noting that from a peak membership of 5,000 to 6,000, the JSF had fallen to barely 500 dues-paying members. The history of the Jewish Federation is detailed here, from the organization of the "Jewish Agitation Bureau" by Benjamin Feigenbaum, Meyer Gillis, Max Kaufman, and others in 1908; to full Federation status in 1912. The Federation's turn to a "nationalistic viewpoint" is blamed on Max Goldfarb ["A.J. Bennett"], a former member of the Bund who returned to Soviet Russia in 1917. The decisive turning point is said to have occurred in 1920, with the trial of the 5 Socialist Assemblymen by the New York Legislature, an event which was denounced as obsequious parliamentarism by the Left Wing of the JSF, headed by Jacob Salutsky.

 

"Jewish Group Seats Enemies of Party Unity: Loyal Delegates Beaten in Every Fight Against Executive Committee -- Move for Split: Kahn Flays Bolters: Some Leaders Charged at Opening of Federation Congress with Being Supporters of World War." (NY Call) [Sept. 4, 1921] This is the 2nd of 4 reports in the Socialist Party's New York daily detailing the proceedings of the JSF special convention, called to determine the JSF's future relationship to the Socialist Party of America. In this unsigned article, it is intimated that the secessionists had successfully won control of the convention at the first day's sessions, as in the evening "the Credentials Committee and the Convention was seating every contested delegate who had expressed a desire to see the Federation withdraw from the party and unseating every contested delegate who was loyal to the party." Two slates had vied for seats on the Credentials Committee, with the Left Wing supporters of the Executive Committee defeating slate of the the insurgent party loyalists by about 40 to 25, with all delegates -- even those under challenge -- permitted to vote. "At the time of going to press the loyal party delegates were still fighting every anti-party delegate, but, realizing that, with the contesting delegates voting on their own cases, and with a Central Office eager for the withdrawal plan, it was hopeless to expect to carry the convention," the reporter indicates, adding that the decision on affiliation was the sole item on the agenda of the special convention. Otto Branstetter had previously addressed the convention on behalf of the National Office of the SPA, stating: "There is no other party in the world in any of the great countries that stood so true to international Socialism as did our party. In other countries, minorities stood straight. In America, the official position of the party was straight. What have the Communists done? They went out of the party; they said they were going to organize the workers and make the revolution, but to date they have done nothing except to weaken the Socialist Party. And much as they want all the honor for this, they must divide that honor with the American Legion, with the Department of Justice, and with the Chambers of Commerce."

 

"Loyal Jewish Socialists Quit Seceding Body: Federation Convention Votes, 41 to 34, to Leave Party -- New Group is Immediately Organized...: Bigger and More Active Movement Promised by Those Who Refuse to Bolt Organization." (NY Call) [Sept. 5, 1921] his is the 3rd of 4 reports in the Socialist Party's New York daily detailing the proceedings of the JSF special convention, called to determine the JSF's future relationship to the Socialist Party of America. This installment notes the result of the final vote on affiliation after 6 hours of debate on Sept. 4, won by the withdrawal forces over the SP loyalists, 41 to 34. The main speech for the secessionists was delivered by Jacob Salutsky, while Nathan Chain of the United Hebrew Trades made the opening speech for the loyalists. Upon the decision, the 34 loyalists bolted the convention, meeting in another room of Forward Hall. Speeches were made to the loyalists assembled by Jacob Panken; J. Baskin (General Secretary of the Workmen's Circle), Alexander Kahn of the Forward, and SPA Executive Secretary Otto Branstetter. A committee of 9 was elected to draw up plans for the Jewish Federation loyalists, to report back on the ensuing day.

 

"New Alliance is Created by Jewish Group: Loyal Socialists Organize in Opposition to Seceding Federation with Endorsement of Labor Unions...: United Hebrew Trades Secretary Assures Delegates of Support in Movement for Strong Party." (NY Call) [Sept. 6, 1921] his is the 4th of 4 reports in the Socialist Party's New York daily detailing the proceedings of the JSF special convention, called to determine the JSF's future relationship to the Socialist Party of America. This installment reports the formation of the Jewish Socialist Alliance (Verbund) of the Socialist Party by the bolting minority delegates. Nathan Chanin was elected General Secretary of the new organization. Meanwhile, the JSF majority voted 43 to 3 to affiliate with the Communist International, despite their misgivings about the institutionalized underground tactics of the Communist Party of America. The organization prepared for a period of independence, setting its dues at 50 cents per month. (The secessionist JSF soon merged with the "Committee for the 3rd International" in the SP to establish itself as the Workers' Council).

 

"Working Class Political Unity," by Morris Hillquit [Sept. 7, 1921] This article in the New York Call by the Socialist Party's most respected strategist, Morris Hillquit, delves into the shift of the Socialist Party towards cooperation with progressive elements from outside the party, a marked departure from the party's historical orientation against "fusion" with external elements. Hillquit notes that the decision of the 1921 Detroit Convention to explore the field. Hillquit notes that this decision is less monumental than some believed: that the tactic would need to be reported to the next convention and approved, and ratified by the membership. Hillquit indicates his support for an electoral alliance through a British-style Labor Party, in which the constituent organizations would continue to run their own candidates for state governorships in order to retain their electoral status, but through which "candidates for other offices would be distributed among the different cooperating organizations with regard to their respective strength in different political districts." Hillquit's thinking is intensely practical: "To continue as a movement of the select few, as a small priesthood charged with the duty of keeping the sacred flame alive and protected from the profane gaze of the multitude, is not an object which in our agitated days will commend itself to the workers of this country. We must have the workers with us, if we are to succeed and we must go to them if they do not come to us."

 

"Can We Work for Socialism Outside the Socialist Party?" by William M. Feigenbaum [Sept. 9, 1921] In this article published in the Socialist Party's New York daily, journals William Feigenbaum -- son of one of the fathers of the Yiddish language Federation of the SPA -- takes aim at the Communists for disrupting the cause of Socialism in America, exemplified by their behavior at the recently completed special convention of the Jewish Socialist Federation. Feigenbaum questions the motives of the Left Wing of the JSF in waiting so long to break with the national Socialist Party, seeing in the delay an effort "to do as much damage to the Socialist Party as they could in their withdrawal." Feigenbaum thus characterizes the Left Wing of the Federation as "wreckers and disrupters" whose work, "together with the work of the Ku Klux and the American Legion, had borne fruit." Feigenbaum contends that the 2 years of Communist independent action had been an abysmal failure: "Not a single new member was gained, but more than nine-tenths of the old went out. Not a stroke of organization work has been done, except to throw a few manifestos from elevated trains and roofs. Instead of sections of a united party, the few hundred remaining men are two angrily quarreling 'parties,' periodically 'uniting,' and then splitting again." Feigenbaum argues that this was a necessary result of the fact that the "Communist movement was born as a negative drive against the Socialist Party, rather than as a positive movement for some ideal or some method of organization." Instead, Feigenbaum declares that despite its various "faults and shortcomings, the only work for Socialism of any consequence that has been done within the past 2 years since the 'new' methods were evolved, is the direct result of the Socialist Party's work." Feigenbaum insists: "Those who want to see Socialism grow can work for Socialism. Let all others get out of the way."

 

"Letter to Sen Katayama from Charles Dirba, Sept. 6-9, 1921." This is a fascinating primary source document, an account of the issues behind the "Central Caucus faction" split which erupted late in November of 1921, written by a leading participant, Charles Dirba. Dirba was the Executive Secretary of the unified CPA from the time of its formation at the end of May 1921. As Dirba makes clear, this shotgun marriage of the old CPA (of which he was a part) to the United Communist Party was tumultuous from the start -- a Central Executive Committee initially divided 5 to 5 along factional lines became a 6-4 working majority when Russian Federationist and editor J. Wilenkin began voting with the former UCP group. Dirba details the transgressions of this majority faction in this letter to Sen Katayama of the "American Agency" of the Comintern, a three member committee without a mandate in this factional situation. Dirba makes clear that while the issue of the rush to transform the American Labor Alliance into a full fledged Legal Political Party was paramount, there were other significant issues which sparked the CEC minority, including patronage issues and a rather crude effort to manipulate the composition of the Jewish and Russian language federations through procedural shenanigans. Document has been rendered into readable English with copious footnotes provided.

 

"CPA D3 [Philadelphia] District Bulletin to All Sub-District, Section, Branch and Group Organizers from Anthony Bimba, District Organizer, Sept. 10, 1921." This internal bulletin sent out to local leaders of the Philadelphia district of the Communist Party of America by new DO Antanas "Anthony" Bimba further belies the farcical assertions emanating from the Justice Department that the CPA was an organization awash in tens of millions of dollars worth of "Moscow gold." This gross disparity between official claims and actual reality was no secret to the Justice Department -- this internal bulletin was provided to the DoJ at the time of its issuance by a Bureau of Investigation informant. To this end, Bimba specifically states that "The CEC at its last meeting reorganized the entire machinery of the Party in order to cut down expenses. Only one paid organizer will be kept in your District hereafter." The bulletin is filled with news of routine party business, such as the mention that the party's Industrial Organizers had sent out Registration Cards to the membership "so we can know the percentage of the members who can be utilized for work in the unions." Laxity in the purchase of party literature is noted. A concerted educational drive was beginning, Bimba notes, in which "Each group [primary party unit] must send one comrade at least to the theoretical class." Bukharin's ABC of Communism was to be the textbook for courses conducted in English and Russian, while the lack of a translations meant that Lenin's State and Revolution would be the book taught in classes working in Yiddish, German, Latvian, Polish, Lithuanian, and Ukrainian. Instructors for these theoretical classes were selected by the Philadelphia District Committee and the instructors would be meeting once a month themselves for training.

 

"Some Plain Words," by Charles W. Ervin [Sept. 10, 1921] Managing Editor of the New York Call Charles Ervin fires a broadside in the direction of the Communist Party's Friends of Soviet Russia organization, appealing for funds for Russian famine relief, to be collected and distributed outside of the FSR apparatus. The Call's fund will be administered without the deduction of a single cent for operational expenses, Ervin indicates. Alternatively, Call readers are encouraged by Ervin to donate to Russian famine relief through their trade unions. Ervin notes the hostility of the FSR to parallel relief efforts, and cites the group's antipathy to the efforts of the ACWU and ILGWU as "proof positive to us of a desire to sabotage other funds being collected, and a total disinclination to really unify the activities taking place among the working class." Ervin declares that "we are used to the abuse of the Communists in this country. All the energies that in Russia go to the doing of constructive work seem to be employed by the Communists in America in factional strife. Not content with going their own way and attacking capitalism, they spend much of their time in a vain effort to destroy the existing labor unions by intriguing within their ranks and by seeking to interfere in every way possible with the activity of other groups of workers who do not happen to believe in their tactics." Ervin characterizes the CPA's efforts under the FSR banner as the "antics" of "long-distance revolutionists" who are "working under false colors, or posing like some cheap detective in ridiculous disguise" and indicates that the paper will not hesitate to "show them up as thoroughly as we know how" when they are caught vilifying others.

 

"The 'Legal' Communists: Letter to the Editor of the New York Call," by Adolph Germer [Sept. 11, 1921] The former Executive Secretary of the Socialist Party and current assistant to Greater New York Secretary Julius Gerber, Adolph Germer, writes this letter in support of Charles Ervin's editorial of the previous day attacking the Friends of Soviet Russia. "It is high time that the unsuspecting public, especially the progressing working class, among whom they carry on their panhandling, understand these self-appointed 'saviors of the proletarian revolution'.... It should require no argument to convince any open-minded person that anyone, or any group, that carries on a persistent campaign to divide the ranks of labor, no matter in whose name it is done or to what pretended purpose, is an enemy of the working class - a far greater and more dangerous enemy than the paid hireling of the employers," Germer declares.

 

"Cahan Says the Forward Supports the Party: Editor of Great Jewish Daily, Back from Europe, Declares Seceders Will be Fought -- Praises Germans and Scores Communists Abroad," by William M. Feigenbaum [Sept. 11, 1921] On Sept. 11, 1921, the powerful and widely respected editor of the Jewish Daily Forward, Abraham Cahan, returned to America after a 14 week stay in Europe, centered in Berlin. There Cahan had exchanged views with a wide range of leaders of the European Socialist movement, including representatives of the Soviet government. Upon his return, Cahan was met at the docks by about 75 prominent Jewish-American leaders, who sat together in a luncheon at the Hotel Brevoort in New York. In his address to the gathering, Cahan declared in no uncertain terms that "no man can write against the Socialist Party and remain on the Forward... I am sorry that we must lose some of our best people,but if they are against the party, that settles it. No one who is against the party can be on the Forward. The Forward was established for the party, not the party for the Forward. Some of the intellectuals want the Third International. For an American to speak of the Third International is a sign of absolute idiocy -- if not of a police spy. In Europe, people know that the Third International is an absolute failure. It is a joke. Lenin would like to get rid of it if he could. No one takes it seriously any more. The Third International has done 1,000 times more damage to the Socialist movement than good." Cahan noted the vitality of the Social Democratic Party in Germany and stated that "the Communist there amount to nothing.... The leading Communist members of the Soviet government that I spoke to admit that the whole Communist movement, and the hope of a world revolution, on which the Communist International is based, is done for."

 

"Cable to Ludwig Katterfeld in New York from Robert Minor in Moscow, September 14,1921." Short cable, converted from telegraphese to punctuated English here. Minor passes along hard numbers for Comintern funding, noting a grant of $33,000 for "Party work specified items" for a forthcoming quarter -- presumably the 4th quarter of 1921. In addition, a conditional grant of $50,000 is promised for establishment of an English daily if the Party can raise $10,000 on its own. As the Daily Worker was not established until January 1924, it seems unlikely that these latter funds were actually disbursed. Scholars should additionally be cautioned that the budgeting of $33,000 for the American unified CPA does not mean that this figure was actually disbursed or that disbursed funds were ever received. The unified CPA went through a highly critical budget crunch in the 1st quarter of 1922, the party was torn asunder by the split of the Central Caucus faction in Nov.-Dec. 1921, and dues collections plummeted. The Party treasury was completely depleted -- indicating a likelihood that the funds detailed in this message were not received in the United States in an expeditious manner.

 

"W.Z. Foster, Back from Europe, Pins Faith on Economic Action: Labor Man Slips Quietly Into US After Months in Russia, Italy, Germany, France, England -- Confident of Soviets' Success and Leadership of ACW Here." [Sept. 15, 1921] This article from the pages of the Socialist Party's New York Call documents the return of William Z. Foster from his extended tour of Russia, Germany, Italy, England, and France on behalf of the Federated Press. The friendly writer of this piece indicates that "There are two things of which Foster remains sincerely convinced: that the Russian revolution is a success and that the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America will continue to be the leader among American labor organizations." Foster is characterized as "an optimist, confident of the ultimate victory of the working class in the very near future," despite his belief that the world was enmeshed in a "trough of reaction," with the revolutionary movement stilted across Europe. The Call writer says that Foster argued that one of the most serious problems facing the European labor movement was "the lack of restraint of the younger men." Foster recalled that in Germany and Italy "the workers were continually called on strike, how often at intervals of only 2 or 3 days, for Mooney, for Russia, because some leader had been assaulted, and for hundreds of trifling incidents in the course of events. The workers have struck time and again and nothing has happened. They have become tired of striking." The revolutionary moment had particularly passed in Germany, in Foster's estimation, where "with 9 million members in the unions alone and the workers thoroughly conscious of their political power, the average workman laughs when asked about the revolution."

 

"Gale to Squeal Way to Liberty, Inquiry Shows: Renegade Radical to Give State's Evidence to Escape Penalty for Evading the Draft." [Sept. 17, 1921] This article from the New York Call notes the transformation of draft resister and radical publisher Linn Gale from "a rabid Communist to a prisoner willing to incriminate other radicals, betraying their confidences." In view of Gale's decision to collaborate with Federal authorities after his deportation from Mexico, the American Civil Liberties Union had declined to come to the aid of Gale's legal defense. An Aug. 26 letter of ACLU head Roger Baldwin is cited: "The Civil Liberties Union has no interest whatever in the case of Linn A.E. Gale. He is not and never was a 'conscientious objector.' His activities as a radical in Mexico are open to grave charges of unscrupulous conduct, to put it mildly. His attitude since his arrest and the character of his efforts to secure support for his defense make it clear that he is unworthy of the confidence of those interested in civil liberty. We advise our friends not to contribute to his defense fund." In response to a communication from Baldwin, Gale's lawyer issued a statement declaring "my client has authorized me to make public the information that he has renounced his former political beliefs and convictions, that he has completely severed his connections with the radical movement, and consequently would not be justified in receiving any further aid or support from them. My client, Linn Gale, desires to state that he is absolutely sincere in the repudiation of his former radical opinions, as expressed through Gale's Magazine, and that at no time in the future will he engage in radical activities."

 

"The Detroit Resolution," by James Oneal [Sept. 19, 1921] Socialist Party NEC member James Oneal offers his perspective on the decision of the June 1921 Detroit Convention to survey the field with a view to eventual work with other radical organizations in an umbrella organization patterned after the British Labour Party. Oneal states that the NEC had followed the instructions of the convention and dispatched a survey to likely political partners. Oneal notes that the NEC did not have authority to act upon the replies it received -- it would take approval of the next convention and ratification by referendum vote of the party to call a conference of progressive organizations to formally organize the new multi-party alliance. The model and goal advocated by Oneal is quite clear: "In England, whether the candidate is a member of the Independent Labour Party or any other Socialist organization, whether he is a member of an affiliated trade union or cooperative society, he wages the contest in the name of the Labour Party. The same procedure would be taken here." Oneal critically observes that "for a generation the Socialist movement of the United States has been cursed with theoreticians and dogmatists" and declares that "one advantage of the British form of political organization of the workers is that it throws the Socialists into intimate contact with other organizations of the working class and brings these workers into contact with us." Oneal indicates he personally sees 2 million adherents to the new umbrella organization as the essential minimum for the tactic to be pursued. He rules out alliance with the progressive capitalist "Committee of 48" but does see the Non-Partisan League as being ideologically close enough to the SP to merit interest. Oneal is critical of the "no less than a dozen Communist priesthoods " which emerged from the 1919 split of the Socialist Party and maintains little interest in alliance with those who indulge in "introspective brooding" and who "burn incense in honor of the Communist ritual."

 

"Memorandum to William J. Burns, Director, Bureau of Investigation, and to the attention of J. Edgar Hoover, Special Assistant to the Attorney General, from Walter C. Foster, Special Agent in Charge, Philadelphia (and response)." [Sept. 20, 1921] This memo from the Special Agent in Charge of the Philadelphia District of the Bureau of Investigation passes on some ideas of the Philadelphia BoI agent who was given the task of coordinating anti-red activities, J.F. McDevitt. The magnitude and limitations of the government's spy apparatus are made clear: "In Philadelphia alone, we have more than 28 different organizations affiliated with the COMMUNIST PARTY OF AMERICA - UNIFIED, and with but one paid confidential informant, who only speaks the English language." This implies that nothing could be done to penetrate the Yiddish, German, Latvian, Lithuanian, Ukrainian, Russian, or Polish language apparatus of the organization in the Philadelphia district in a meaningful way. McDevitt suggests that each district of the BoI should concentrate upon one or two local languages used extensively in that locale, with the various language groups coordinated nationally -- for example, Russian in Philadelphia, Hungarian and Yiddish in New York, Italian and Irish in Boston, Lithuanian and Polish in Chicago, Spanish in New Orleans. In this way more careful attention might be paid to each specific group and "it would give the Department at a much smaller expense a good general idea of what is going on." Bureau of Investigation Director William Burns solicited Assistant to the Attorney General J. Edgar Hoover's comments on this suggestion, to which Hoover replied that the idea "has been in force and operation for some time, as we made an effort to have an informant in every one of the leading movements of the country, particularly those of a foreign nature."

 

"Statement of the CEC on the Suspension of the 19 Russian Members." [circa Sept. 20, 1921] A shot in the factional war which was to erupt in a party split in the fall of 1921 was fired by the majority of the CPA when its representative to the Russian language conference apparently became embroiled in a machine politics-type move involving a challenge of the credentials of the elected New York delegation and simultaneous packing of the Credentials Committee of the gathering -- thereby putting the minority (which supported the ex-UCP majority of the CEC) in a position of control of the gathering and ensuring the election of a Russian Bureau favorable to that majority. This heavy-handed action prompted the walkout of the (ex-CPA) faction being victimized by this maneuver. In response, the CEC majority suspended the 19 regular and fraternal delegates who walked out of the Russian language conference en masse. This document was issued by the CEC majority (and subsequently leaked to the Department of Justice's Bureau of Investigation) as an explanation of the situation which had developed. Bridgeport, Connecticut had elected 3 delegates when it was entitled to 2, the document states and the representative of the CEC (presumably Russian Federationist and CEC majority member J. Wilenkin) had arbitrarily disallowed one of these delegates, while 6 New York delegates were under challenge, thereby reducing the (ex-CPA) faction to 12 of 24 regularly elected delegates (and tipping control of the gathering to the ex-UCP faction). Thereupon, the (ex-CPA) minority refused further participation in the gathering. "Continuous and deliberate efforts" to disrupt the gathering were first made by the offended faction, forcing a hasty termination of the first session. The authority of the CEC's representative (Wilenkin) was repudiated. "During the night they informed the delegate from the CI [Janson] that they would not recognize the authority of the CEC unless they were given at least half of the delegation from [New York]," the statement indicates, a demand met with a demand that the authority of the CEC's representative must first be given by the alienated faction. This was refused. The next day George Ashkenuzi refused to give the Federation's financial and organizational report and a bill was presented to Wilenkin for $600 to cover the expenses incurred by the ex-CPA faction in attending the conference. This was refused by Wilenkin on the grounds that the ex-CPA faction had not participated in the convention and therefore could not have their expenses reimbursed. Threats were apparently made against Wilenkin's person, the CEC majority was condemned, and the alienated faction walked out. Thereafter, the CEC of the CPA voted 7-2 (1 member voting "present") to suspend the 19 individuals involved pending fuller investigation by the CEC. "The lies and misrepresentations circulated by some of these comrades regarding their behavior at the conference only adds to their already shameful and uncommunistic conduct," the statement of the CEC declares.

 

"For a Mass Movement," by Adolph Dreifuss [Sept. 22, 1921] This article by the leader of the Socialist Party's German Federation, Adolph Dreifuss, speaks to the hot issue in party ranks -- the move towards organized cooperation with other Left Wing organizations in an American version of the British Labour Party. Dreifuss notes that this represented "a deviation from the tactics hitherto pursued by the Socialist Party" and attempts to explain that the decision to pursue the tactic was not the province of the SP Right, but rather was the considered opinion of all tendencies at the Detroit Convention, including Left Wingers Louis Engdahl and Bill Kruse. Dreifuss notes that "the object is to bring about an organization similar to that of the British Labour Party, which is composed from autonomous parties and groups, like the Independent Labour Party, the Social Democratic Federation, the Fabian Society, the various labor unions, etc. Each one of these parties retains its integrity and autonomy... Each of these organizations has its own platform, based on its own principles. But the struggle of the present against their common enemy they fight together." Dreifuss notes that the United States has "no opposition that amounts to much." He declares that "none of the 'revolutionary' parties, however they may call themselves, reach the masses" and observes that the ongoing economic crisis has made the working class "servile" and "submissive." "It must be every worker's aim to get out of this slough to strengthen his class. To cooperate with others is one means to achieve liberty of movement," Dreifuss declares -- thus the move towards joint action has been supported by all tendencies in the SPA, "from Engdahl to Berger."

 

"Rand School is Voted to Be SP Auxiliary: Controlling Society, 38 to 20, Fixes Its Stand -- Six Directors Resign from Board." [event of Sept. 23, 1921] On Sept. 23, 1921, at the start of the academic year, the membership of the American Socialist Society met and, after lengthy and heated debate, adopted a resolution declaring the Rand School of Social Science to be a Socialist Party institution and determined that "the teachers of history, economics, political science, and related subjects, therefore, ought to be in the main either members of or avowed sympathizers with the Socialist Party." Furthermore, the resolution asserted that "The American Socialist Society considers it inconsistent for any person to act as an officer or director of the society or as an officer of the Rand School whose views or activities are hostile to those of the Socialist Party or who cannot heartily accept the foregoing instruction." Passage of the resolution prompted the resignation of 6 directors of the American Socialist Society -- Benjamin Glassberg, Augusta Holland, Jacob Purchin, Eugene Schoehn, Alexander Trachtenberg, and Rose Weiner. Complete text of the resolution is included here.

 

"Communists Try to Disrupt Socialist Rally: Create Uproar at Brownsville Labor Lyceum During Address by London -- Disturbers are Ejected...: Incident Stimulates Enthusiasm of Workers for Socialist Message -- Report Fusion Aids Communists." (NY Call) [event of Sept. 23, 1921] On Sept. 23, 1921, Socialist Congressman Meyer London spoke on behalf of his party before a crowd of 1,500 at an electoral rally held in Brownsville, NY. During the course of London's remarks, a Communist Party member in the audience shouted "Traitor!" -- prompting "a group of workers began battering away at the disturber." The scuffle expanded when friends of the heckler came to his aid; the outnumbered Communists were expelled from the meeting by the Socialists, with the aid of a policeman. According to this news account in the New York Call, "when quiet was restored, Representative London warned the Communists who remained hidden in the hall that in the future the Socialists will not be responsible for what happens to those who try to break up Socialist meetings." "These disrupters will be treated in the same way as a scab is treated by a good union man," London aggressively shouted, "No decent working man will tolerate them in their midst." A demonstration lasting several minutes followed.

 

"Socialist Vote Will Have Worldwide Effect: Speech at the Lexington Theater, New York City," by Morris Hillquit [Sept. 25, 1921] Text of a speech by Socialist Party leader Morris Hillquit kicking off the party's 1921 electoral campaign. Hillquit characterizes the New York City mayoral campaign as a meaningless choice of evils between a "self-confessed 'friend of the people'" and "the avowed candidate of the vested interests." Neither will solve the fundamental problems faced by the city's working class. Hillquit argues that the 1921 election does have an important aspect, however -- "The election separates and groups the voters of the whole city into distinct camps or parties, which voice their political views, aims, and aspirations. The vote cast on election day is a faithful mirror of the mental and moral caliber of the electorate.... The only manifestation of an awakening working class intelligence, the only ray of hope that the election may offer, will be in the votes cast for the Socialist Party." A crisis is approaching, in Hillquit's view, wherein "the delicate industrial machine of capitalism is cracking, and the shortsighted capitalist master machinists are making frantic efforts to repair it with sledgehammers." However, the union-busting efforts of the capitalist class will be thwarted, Hillquit believes: "There will be no return to capitalist normalcy. There is nothing but war and strife ahead of mankind unless the entire discord-breeding machine of capitalism is scrapped, and the workers of the world take hold of the governments and industries and run them rationally and peacefully for the equal benefit and happiness of all people and all peoples." Hillquit also makes a plea for Russian famine relief, under the slogan "Give till it hurts."

 

"Resolution on the Suspension of the 19 Delegates to the Russian Language Conference." [Adopted circa Sept. 25, 1921.] This resolution issued by Russian Federation elements formerly members of the old CPA protests the heavy-handed action to manipulate the outcome of the 1921 Russian language conference by the CEC majority. The resolution declares that the conference had been denied the right "to constitute itself according to generally accepted procedure" and "to decide for itself upon contesting and contested delegates" and that "regularly elected delegates and all others who did not recognize these arbitrary and disruptionary rulings" had been excluded from participation. As a result, the resolution continues, the 19 affected regular, contested, and fraternal delegates had protested the arbitrary and illegal actions of the representative of the CEC majority in the only manner in which they were able. The resolution calls for the CEC to reconsider its suspensions of these 19 members of the Russian Federation and to restore these 19 individuals to full party membership pending the conduct of a full investigation.

 

"Resolution on the Removal of 4 Members of the Lithuanian Bureau." [Adopted circa Sept. 25, 1921.] There is a tendency to see the split of the so-called Central Caucus in the fall of 1921 as nothing more than a reaction to the decision of the majority of the Central Executive Committee of the unified CPA to move towards the immediate formation of a Legal Political Party -- with devastating results for the members of the various language federation groups of the party, who would be quickly and easily scooped up by law enforcement authorities if secret procedure within the party were no longer followed. This was an enormous issue between the two factions, to be sure, but it was actually but one of a number of closely related issues that led to the Central Caucus split. One early salvo in the factional war was fired over the composition of the governing Bureau of the Lithuanian Communist Federation. On Sept. 15, 1921, the majority of the CEC of the CPA overturned the decision of the recent Lithuanian language conference and sacked 4 members elected by that body to serve on the Lithuanian Bureau, replacing them with handpicked candidates of their own rather than the official alternates named by the conference. This decision enraged a section of the Lithuanian Federation, which passed this condemnatory resolution of this "outrageous act," calling for its reconsideration and for the convocation of an emergency convention of the CPA.

 

"Stand By the Miners of Mingo!" (leaflet of the unified CPA) [circa Sept. 25 1921] This agitational leaflet of the Communist Party of America demands that the American working class stand by the striking mineworkers of West Virginia in their hour of need in their long-running and violent strike. "Troops, airplanes, bombs, machine guns, and all the hellish devices of capitalist warfare have been rushed into the Mingo area. These have supposedly been sent to save 'law and order,' but they have actually been sent to crush the workers," the leaflet asserts. "Their fight is your fight! They are fighting against the vicious US Steel trust that runs the entire strike area. They are fighting against a most tyrannical wage-slavery. Their defeat will be your disaster," the leaflet declares. "A defeat at Mingo will go a long way toward driving the whole American working class into lower wages, longer hours, and endless drudgery," the leaflet warns. "We must everywhere organize meetings and demonstrations to help the Mingo fighters, financially and morally. Let every union local and labor body force the Federal government to compel the profit-hungry coal magnates to go into conference with the miners," the leaflet insists.

 

"Letter to William J. Burns, Director of the Bureau of Investigation, US Dept. of Justice in Washington, DC from T.L. Felts, Baldwin-Felts Detectives, in Bluefield, West Virginia, Sept. 29, 1921." This unpublished letter to Justice Department by T.L. Felts of the Baldwin-Felts Detective Agency reiterates Felts' previous public statement that the company was not responsible for the provision of violent armed guards to the coal companies in Mingo and Logan Counties of West Virginia. "There can scarcely be a doubt but that my public statement through the press was read by the Mine Workers' officials and, notwithstanding my denial, they continue to prate about the Baldwin-Felts mine guards in Logan and Mingo Counties. It is, therefore, evident that they have an utter disregard for the truth of their public utterances," Felts declared. "I submit that their utterances in this regard, as well as many other statements bearing on the recent trouble, are not only deplorable, but criminally false and they have justly earned the condemnation of all right thinking people, who believe in truth and justice," Felts concludes.

 

"Our New Editor: Patrick L. Quinlan" (The New Age) [Sept. 29, 1921]  This front page article in the mainline (not Left Wing) Buffalo Socialist Party weekly The New Age announces the hiring of a new editor for the publication -- Patrick L. Quinlan. A short sketch of some of Quinlan's activities is included, including membership as a young man in the Independent Labour Party, membership in the Socialist Labor Party of America, charter membership in the Industrial Workers of the World, organizer and strike leader of the Hotel Workers' Union, leadership of the 1913 Paterson silk strike, and two years' prison term resulting therefrom. "Last year he visited Russian and European countries and had some interesting experiences," the article dryly notes -- a massive understatement given the fact that Quinlan was a voting delegate of the Irish Labour Party at the 2nd World Congress of the Communist International in Moscow!

"Circular to All Organizers of the Communist Party of America from the Central Executive Committee, Sept. 30, 1921." In the fall and winter of 1921-22, the American Communist movement hovered near financial insolvency. Paid functionaries were laid off and wages paid partially and irregularly due to the cash-flow crunch. In a desperate effort to maintain funds for continued operation, the unified Communist Party of America revisited the "One Day's Wages" idea first employed by the old CPA in August 1920. Each member of the CPA was required to contribute, in addition to regular monthly dues, one day's worth of wages as an additional tax payable to the organization. The entire party apparatus was put into action in September and early October in an effort to collect this extraordinary assessment. Full 100% fulfillment was sought, according to this circular sent out to all levels of the CPA's functionaries: "This means that every member must put in ONE DAY'S WAGES. No one is excused. Those that are unemployed shall put in one day's time collecting for the Party, and turn these funds into the treasury in lieu of the one day's wages." The reason for the emergency fundraising campaign was explicitly stated: "You all know of course WHY this special collection is made. You know that the language conferences cost the Party many thousands of dollars more than was received from the conference assessment. You know also that our activities for famine stricken Russia has diverted to that channel many thousands of dollars which would otherwise have come to the Party. You know furthermore that we have no 'Rich Uncle,' and that our organization MUST STAND ON ITS OWN FEET." This document, reflective of the reality of CPA finance in the period, fell into BoI hands through one of its informants just over a month after Assistant to the Attorney General William Grimes blithely stated in an official report that the American Communist movement was the recipient of $45 million in "Moscow gold" during its first three years of existence -- a sensational and delusional guess said to be based on ""authentic estimates from abroad" that archival documents indicate actually overshot the mark by approximately $44.95 million.

 

"American Labor Alliance," by Jack Carney [Sept. 30, 1921] The second version of the American Labor Alliance begun in August 1921 was apparently stillborn. The shell of the ALA was restructured yet again in the two months after its formal foundation. By September 1921 the ALA was governed by an institution not mentioned in the group's constitution -- the "Provisional Executive Committee." This body at a meeting in September decided to transform the ALA into a dues-paying membership organization based around local groups, and to begin forthwith to raise a $25,000 organizational fund to sponsor a convention relaunching itself as a "revolutionary political party." The Provisional Executive Committee noted that "All working class organizations which declare themselves in sympathy with the aims and principles of the American Labor Alliance will be invited to send delegates." Ella Reeve Bloor, recently returned from Soviet Russia, was to be sent on the road on a speaking tour to help raise this organizational fund. The Communist Party's overground Chicago labor organ, Voice of Labor, opined that "The American Labor Alliance enters the political field with the largest membership and greatest number of adherents of any working class party in the country. It will not offer any false promises to the masses, neither will it attempt to raise false hopes. It will go before the masses and frankly inform them that if they require anything to be done they must do it themselves. The ALA will utilize the various political campaigns for the purpose of exposing the claims and pretensions of capitalist politicians, also for the purpose of rallying the masses together."

 

OCTOBER 1921

"Raids, Deportations, and Palmerism," by Swinburne Hale [written circa October 1921] This article provides a useful short summary of the abuses of Attorney General Mitchell Palmer during 1920. Hale, a civil libertarian lawyer from New York City, dates the repression from an August 12, 1919, directive of the head of the Department of Justice's Bureau of Investigation to its field agents to begin vigorously investigating "anarchistic and similar classes, Bolshevism and kindred agitations." Then in November 1919 came the first systematic wave of persecution, targeting the Federation of Unions of Russian Workers of the United States and Canada. On December 27, 1919, came the order for the mass dragnet of January 2/3, 1920, targeting the Communist and Communist Labor Parties and the IWW, among other radical groups. Hale indicates that approximately 10,000 persons were arrested in this campaign. On January 24, 1920, Sec. of Labor Wilson declared membership in the Communist Party of America to be a deportable offense. The tide had begun to turn, however, on Jan. 22 and 23, when hearings concerning a peacetime sedition act proposed by Right Wingers in Congress met with organized liberal and labor opposition, which stopped it. Another landmark came on April 10, 1920, when Assistant Sec. of Labor Post handed down an important decision that raised the bar for the prosecution in deportation hearings and began releasing prisoners held from the Palmer raids for whom there was no sufficient evidence of guilt. The Right Wing in Congress responded by beginning impeachment hearings of Assistant Sec. Post. Another major turning point came on May 5, 1920, when it was held that mere membership in the Communist Labor Party was insufficient grounds for deportation. " It is a matter of opinion that the distinction between the two parties rested on pretty thin reasoning, and that the principal difference between them lay in the fact that the Communist Party case was argued at the height of the "Red" hysteria in January [1920] and the Communist Labor Party case 3 months later," Hale notes. Then on May 28, 1920 came the "Twelve Lawyers' Report" published as a pamphlet by the National Popular Government League, which further turned the tide against the illegality and "white terror" of the Palmerites and their allies. Congress adjourned on June 5, 1920, without taking action on the Post impeachment and Mitchell Palmer was defeated in his bid to win the Democratic Presidential nomination that summer, Hale noted, effectively terminating the Red Scare of 1919-20.

 

"Weekly Radical Report for Pittsburgh, PA for the Week Ending Oct. 1, 1921. [Extract]," by H.J. Lenon An extended section of the weekly report by Department of Justice Bureau of Investigation Special Agent H.J. Lenon on radical activities in Pittsburgh -- in this case those of the unified Communist Party of America. There can be no doubt to any careful reader of this report that the DoJ's penetration of the highest level of the UCP in Pittsburgh through an undercover operative or particularly thorough informer was carried over into the Pittsburgh organization of the unified CPA. This extensive report containing copious detail from "read and destroy" bulletins of the National Office to the District organizations. "The Communist Party is in bad FINANCIAL condition," Lenon declares, adding that the party had initiated a number of changes for reasons of economy, including the discontinuation and consolidation of newspapers, the reduction of wages of party workers, and the elimination of party offices. Further, disorganization was rampant within the party's ranks: "We find a badly SPLIT up organization developing more wings than the SP had. Here we have the LEGAL, ILLEGAL, POLITICAL, ECONOMIC, and a mixture of everything. The party organizes and disorganizes at will, leaving in its wake a mass of confusion..." This dysfunctional organization was comically ineffectual: "Most of their activity centralizes around districts where the leaders reside, like Cleveland, Pittsburgh, New York, Chicago, Detroit. In cities where the SP has any strength the Communists usually spend most of their time fighting with the SP. It is always easy to detect the Communists in action, for they always condemn the SP, agitate for the Soviet Republic, etc., also use plenty of the Bolsheviki terms of expression. Supposed to be underground but they LOVE TO RECOMMEND THE COMMUNIST TACTICS. Mostly all intellectuals in the red movement like to display their extreme Bolsheviki radicalism. Being a red Communist is something that will not be underground."

 

"The Workers League." [unsigned article in The Toiler, Oct. 1, 1921] This article in a primary English-language legal organ of the Communist Party of America announces the formation of "a new political party of labor" -- the Workers League. This New York City-based forerunner of the Workers Party of America was not intended to engage in parliamentarism as a means of winning state power through the ballot box. Rather: "While the Socialist Party is committed to bourgeois parliamentarism and political reform, the Workers League refuses to stimulate illusions in the minds of the workers as to the possibility of improving their long under the present economic order and with parliamentary activity as an instrument. The Workers League enters politics to unmask it. It seeks to enter Congress and other legislative bodies not to urge reform but to voice the wrath of the workers at their terrible situation. With the parliamentary tribune as a sounding board it plans to spread forth over the country the message of international solidarity, the challenge of the irreconcilable class conflict."

 

"An Opinion on Tactics," by Max Eastman [October 1921] Two years after the September 1919 split of the Socialist Party of America, the American workers seemed to be even less friendly to communism than they were at the time of the break, according to co-founder of The Liberator Max Eastman. Eastman reckoned that the reason from this step backwards was "simple and obvious": While the Communist movement was based around the idea that the world was in a period of the "breakdown of capitalism," such was not the case in the USA. "We are not in the period of the breakdown of capitalism, and yet we are employing tactics that could never be appropriate in any other period -- tactics which have no practical relation to the period we are in -- that of preliminary propaganda." Eastman sharply criticized the CPA for having established "elaborately conspiratorial organization excellently adapted to promote treasonable and seditious enterprises, although they have no such enterprises on foot." Unless the artificial and inappropriate underground tactics were abandoned there would be no way to build close relations between the party and the mass of American workers, Eastman declared.

 

"Resolution of Protest Against Actions of CEC and For National Convention." (Resolution of the Central Caucus) [circa Oct. 1, 1921.] This protest resolution issued by former members of the old CPA who were heading towards formal organizational split as the "Central Caucus" outlines a fairly complete list of transgressions of the ex-UCP majority of the Central Executive Committee that were prompting such a rupture. These included: (1) the "sudden and drastic" order of the CEC to reorganize underground groups of the party into branches of the American Labor Alliance, thereby liquidating the underground organization and transforming the CPA into a Legal Political Party. This disregarded existing political conditions in the country and needlessly exposed its members to police repression; (2) the conducting of a "crushing policy" of the CEC majority, arbitrarily removing District and Sub-District Organizers for factional reasons, in contradiction to the spirit of the Joint Unity Convention; (3) the refusal to accept the decisions of National Language Conferences, including the arbitrary removal of 4 members of the Bureau of the Lithuanian Federation and the virtual expulsion of 19 leading members of the Russian Federation for "merely protesting against the packing of their convention by the acts of the CEC"; (4) the making of appointments on the basis of factional and personal loyalty and maintenance of a costly and consequent maintenance of an artificially large and costly party apparatus; (5) the gross failure of the CEC majority to act in a timely manner or a meaningful way in aid of the armed struggle of the West Virginia miners against their oppressors. Therefore, the resolution declared, "we demand the holding of an emergency convention as a means of saving the party from the destructive policies of the present CEC."

 

"'In Re: Workers Council.': Report of a Meeting Held in New York, Oct. 8, 1921," by Department of Justice Undercover Agent "P-134" This is an unusual document, the report of an undercover agent of the Department of Justice's Bureau of Investigation of an open meeting of the Workers' Council group in New York City. Agent "P-134" quotes Secretary of the Workers' Council J. Louis Engdahl as saying that "he is a Communist, and that the Workers Council is organizing for the purpose of establishing Socialist Soviet Republic in the US." He quotes Engdahl as saying that the primary mission of the group is to "help all the revolutionary classes unite into a true revolutionary Socialist organization." The meeting was also addressed by Benjamin Glassberg, Rose Weiss, Comrade Ligoria of the Italian movement, Alexander Trachtenberg, I. Cohen of the Independent YPSL, and Ludwig Lore of the Newyorker Volkszeitung. Agent "P-134" quotes Lore as admitting his membership in the Communist Party of America and declaring that "the American working class will not take any orders from a clique, namely, the [CEC] of the Communist Party of America, which is termed illegal and underground." Lore seems to have taken a similar independent position towards the Executive Committee of the Comintern, saying that regardless of "whether the 3rd International says that Workers Council is proper or not, they will go before the masses openly and preach Communism and the establishment of a Soviet Republic in the United States." Agent "P-134" states that Lore "also said the Workers Council will organize the class conscious revolutionary forces of this country regardless of what the orders from Moscow may be, and carry on their educational campaign organizing mass open organizations, whether it be legal or not..."

 

"Socialist Party Declared Dead: Ex-Members Dine, Chant Requiem for Organization in Various Keys." (NY Call) [event of Oct. 8, 1921] This short news report in the New York Call notes the formation of the Workers Council organization by anti-Socialist Party members of the Jewish Socialist Federation and the newly departed SP Left Wingers of the Committee for the Third International. This article chronicles a dinner held in New York City and addressed by J.L. Engdahl, Benjamin Glassberg, J.B. Salutsky, Rose Weiss, Alexander Trachtenberg, L. DeGregoria, Isadore Cohen, and Ludwig P. Lore. The purge of Communists at the Rand School of Social Science seems to have been a contributing factor to the formation of the Workers Council organization, with both Glassberg and Trachtenberg alluding to the event, the latter of whom said: "I have tried to continue on in the Socialist Party. A few weeks ago I found that it was impossible to stay in. Now is the time to build up a class-conscious, revolutionary party that will stay our in the open." Keynote speaker was Lore, who told the attendees ""We need the Communist Party. We need frank discussion and education for the masses. This is the movement which will give us what we want and need."

 

"A Letter to the Communist Party of America, Oct. 9, 1921," by Grigorii Zinoviev. The head of the Communist International sent this note to the American Communist Party urging the immediate formation of a legal political party. "It is necessary to fight for every inch," Zinoviev states, urging that the example of the Russian Bolsheviks be followed in establishing a seemingly innocuous legal organization to propagandize the basic ideas of Communism or even simply the ideas of the class struggle. Russian comrades in America would be taking great responsibilities upon themselves if they stood in the way of this unquestioned directive of the Comintern, Zinoviev warned.

 

"Save the Party! An Appeal to All Members of the Communist Party!" [circa Oct. 12, 1921] This is "Statement No. 1" of the Central Caucus Faction of John Ballam, Charles Dirba, and George Ashkenuzi -- a detailed catalog of the transgressions of the CPA's Central Executive Committee majority group. These faults included the arbitrary and reckless formation of a Legal Political Party with mandatory participation of all members of the underground -- an "insane" and "suicidal" policy that would result in a liquidation of the Communist Party; a disregard of the constitutionally-established rights of language federations; a factional "crushing policy" on the part of the 7 member CEC majority, exemplified by the splitting of districts and factional removal of (ex-old CPA) District Organizers and Sub-District Organizers without cause; and a profligate spending of party funds that resulted in a $20,000 debt for the organization. An emergency convention of the unified CPA was called for to resolve these issues and all party members were called upon to discuss these issues and to issue resolutions to force the CEC majority into action.

 

"Answers to Questions," by Steven Ross ["Charles Wallace"/"Stepan"] [Oct. 13, 1921]. A conference between Lenin and the members of the American delegates to the 3rd Congress of the Comintern and the Profintern late in the summer of 1921 was a matter of heated debate, pitting Max Bedacht (ex-UCP), who contended that Lenin issued an instruction for the CPA to immediately establish a Legal Political Party in America against Seven Ross ["Charles Wallace"] (ex-old CPA), who contended that Lenin said no such thing. This is Ross' reply to a questionnaire issued by the CEC entitled "Questions to International Delegates," attempting to rectify the discrepancy in the testimony between Bedacht and Ross.

 

"Where We Stand," by Charles W. Ervin [Oct. 13, 1921] This statement by managing editor of the Socialist Party's New York Call, Charles Ervin, contrasts the ideology of the SPA with that of the Communist movement. Ervin neatly summarizes the Social Democratic ideology: "From the very first this paper not only adhered to the Socialist movement of the world at large, but it was one of the organs of the Socialist Party of America. It believed then, as it believes now, in the immense value of political education. It does not go into a political campaign merely for the sake of bringing its ideas to the people. It believes in striving for political power to use it in securing industrial control. It believes, and always has believed, in the great importance of immediate demands. If it did not, it certainly would not support the battle of the labor unions as it does. It believes that every advantage, no matter how slight, that is wrested from the capitalist class puts the workers in a position where they will be able to secure still further advantages until they become sufficiently organized to stretch out and grasp all the good things of life. This paper does not believe that things have to get worse before they get better. It does not believe that when men and women rise to a higher standard of life they become so contented that they cease to strive to reach toward higher things. On the contrary, it strives for and welcomes every improvement in the human mind and body, every improvement in physical environment, every step toward a higher spiritual development that mankind succeeds in making."

 

"The Open Communist Party -- The Task of the Hour," unsigned appeal by The Workers' Council. [Oct. 15, 1921] While there was stiff opposition to liquidation of the underground party inside the unified CPA itself, there was a countervailing tendency standing outside of the ranks of the party pushing in exactly the opposite direction -- for the elimination of the underground apparatus and for commitment to a fully legalized communist movement. This tendency's organizational expression was "The Workers' Council" -- formerly the "Committee for the Third International of the Socialist Party," which departed that organization after the June 1921 Detroit Convention of the SPA. This appeal of the Workers' Council states that the "infantile radicalism" of the newborn communist movement was contemptuous of mass movements and "called for small, intensely class-conscious organizations that should take upon themselves the leadership in the approaching struggle against world capitalism." This perspective had been denounced by Lenin and was refuted by the Comintern at its recently concluded Third Congress. Instead, the Comintern now called for participation in the actually existing conservative unions and "openly condemns the agitation for armed insurrection and open rebellion in countries where the revolution is still in the distant future and insists that the communist movement, in every country, must proceed at once to the creation of an open, aboveboard mass movement." The secret movement had been intellectually stultifying for the American party, the Workers' Council declared, and its secrets were no secret to authorities, who had inevitably made use of espionage to penetrate the underground organization. The underground form had become an end in itself. It was a form unable to adapt to crisis and dominated by a handful of romanticist underground leaders. Instead, the Workers' Council called for an open organization, a form able to do effective work. "There could be no better time. Raise your voices, Comrades. Come out of your cellars into the open. Go to your brothers in the mills, the mines, and the factories, and talk to them openly, fearlessly."

 

"To the CEC of the CPA in New York from Max Bedacht in New York," [late October 1921]. The decision of the Communist Party of America to establish a parallel "Legal Political Party" came at the behest of the 3rd World Congress of the Communist International [June 22-Aug. 12, 1921] and a supplementary meeting of the American delegation with Lenin held in the Kremlin on July 7, 1921. Bedacht reported to the CEC of the American Party in New York at its meeting of Sept. 1, at which -- based largely upon Bedacht's depiction of Lenin as emphatically in favor of a legal party -- the CEC resolved to create such an organization "parallel with the underground organization and controlled by it." Bedacht was directly contradicted by an ex-old CPA member pseudonym "Stepan" at the October 5 meeting of the CEC, however, and this written statement about the meeting with Lenin was a byproduct of the CEC's investigative process attempting to rectify the contradiction in testimony between the two. Bedacht notes that Nicholas Hourwich and he constituted a committee of 2 to prepare a proposal on legal activity in America for the ECCI. It was Bedacht who drafted the document on July 6(without input from Hourwich) and delivered it at the meeting of the full delegation with Lenin on the next day. At the meeting, attended by Bedacht, Hourwich, Bill Haywood, Robert Minor, Oscar Tyverovsky, "Stepan," and "Gorney," Lenin "immediately went to the point. First he told us of the necessity of the establishment of a daily press. He made it clear at all times that this was expected of us. Then he opened the question of a legal party. He told us of the absolute necessity of the formation of such a body and he even suggested a name for it. Maybe if the other delegate tries hard enough to remember he will recollect that Comrade Lenin suggested 'Anti-Capitalist Party' in contradistinction to all other parties which are pro-capitalist." Lenin and Bedacht were both surprised at the apparent unanimity of the American delegation with regard to establishing a Legal Political Party, but Bedacht bitterly notes that "the opponents of the decisions of the congress did not have the courage to speak up in this conference [with Lenin] although they do not seem to lack the courage to now lie about the proceedings in this conference."

 

"Circular Letter to All Districts and Federations from John Ballam, Secretary of Central Caucus, Summarizing the Results of Meeting of Oct. 24-25, 1921." This document may be aptly characterized as an internal bulletin from the "Central Caucus" to its adherents -- dissidents in the unified Communist Party of America hailing from the old Communist Party of America who organized factionally in September 1921 and quickly departed the party en masse, declaring themselves to be the legitimate bearer of the Communist Party of America's mantle. This report details what amounts to an expanded plenum of the Central Caucus, including not only the regularly attending representatives of the Russian, Lithuanian, Ukrainian, Jewish, Latvian, and Polish Federations, but also its de facto District Organizers ("Caucus leaders") from the Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Cleveland, Chicago, Detroit, Buffalo, and Pittsburgh districts. The October statement to the Comintern by the minority of the unified CPA's CEC -- John Ballam, Charles Dirba, and George Ashkenuzi -- was the basis for discussion of the meeting. A summary of the views of each of the Federation representatives and district Caucus leaders is providing, showing that the Lithuanian Federation was the least irreconcilable to the majority of the CEC of the unified Party and its line, stating that they "Cannot oppose Comintern on question of [a Legal Political Party] but absolutely against form proposed by CEC" and urging that "no action to be taken which would give reason for being thrown out of Comintern." The statement of the 3 CEC Members was taken up by the meeting seriatim and amended, and was to be then signed and prepared for distribution to the "entire membership."

 

"Membership Series by District for the (unified) Communist Party of America, June to October 1921." Here's another one that serious historians of early American Communism would be advised to print out and save -- the definitive membership series for the first phase of the (unified) Communist Party of America, bounded on one side by the May 1921 Unity Convention at which the party was formed and on the other by the "Central Caucus" split of Nov.-Dec. 1921, which severely disrupted the organization. This snapshot reveals substantial organizational strength in the Midwest (the Chicago district bigger than New York!) and a general growth of the total average paid membership from about 7,200 in Q-III for the old CPA to about 8,750 for Q-III for the unified organization (the math of the merger between the old CPA/UCP seems to be of the "2+2=3" variety...) Included are Q-III Federation average memberships which show a membership crisis in the Lithuanian, Russian, and Ukrainian Federations which ANTEDATES the purported cause of the Central Caucus split, the October 1921 decision to rapidly establish a Legal Political Party. Includes copious commentary by Tim Davenport.

 

NOVEMBER 1921

"Keysquare for '1921 Money Order Code' used by the unified Communist Party of America, Nov. 1921-Feb. 1922," Cryptanalysis by John K. Taber and Tim Davenport. The United Communist Party in 1920-21 and its successor, the unified Communist Party of America in 1921-22, used a simple single letter replacement code appearing on the page as fractions. By way of example, a "D" might have been written as "3/21" -- corresponding to the letter located at keysquare coordinates line 3 and column 21. A series of no fewer than four "keysquares" for coding and decoding were used during the period. This is a substantially solved keysquare that was used by the "majority" CPA at the tail end of 1921 and early in 1922 to make its messages to and from Moscow harder to comprehend if intercepted by the Bureau of Investigation's General Intelligence Division or the Army's Military Intelligence Department. The original source of the keysquare appears to have been the fine print of a money order form, beginning "WHEN PAYABLE IN BOLIVIA, CHILE, COSTA RICA, DENMARK, FRANCE, GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND, HONDURAS..."

 

"The Third International Congress," by Dennis Batt [Nov. 1921] Proletarian Party of America representative to the 3rd Congress of the Comintern Dennis Batt (a guest rather than a delegate) outlines a number of policy positions of the CI -- each of which is said to support the long-standing position of the PPA -- in contrast to the contrary positions of the Communist Party of America. These included the assertion that successful revolution implies the winning of the conscious support of a majority of the working class and other toilers; the necessity of maintaining an open organization; the importance of making use of every means to win support for communism, particularly parliament and parliamentary elections; and the need to enter existing mass unions and thus "by virtue of their activity and devotion to the cause of the workers, to convince the membership that Communism is the only solution for the endless struggle in which they are engaged." In each of these instances, Batt indicates that the position of the Proletarian Party was closer to the current Comintern line than that of the Communist Party, the membership of which was said to be " too stupid and ignorant of the proper Communist position" on legalization, adherents of a "silly semi-syndicalist attitude" on participation in elections, and continuers of a 25 year old policy of attempting to organize "pure" unions and then try to smash the AF of L.

 

"Letter to Leo Laukki in Moscow from Alfred S. Edwards in Boston." [circa Nov. 1921]. A very interesting politically-charged letter from a Latvian-American radical who helped found the Socialist Publishing Society in Dec. 1916 to a compatriot in Moscow, detailing the transgressions of the majority group of the Central Executive Committee. The CEC majority -- "Mensheviks," in Edwards' view -- had done nothing to organize units of the party in the army and navy, had done nothing to agitate among the unemployed, had been woefully inadequate in participating in the daily struggles of the working class, and had failed to organize party nuclei in shops and unions, and had done nothing to fight centrism in the Party. Instead, the Party was dominated by an enormous and costly paid bureaucracy that was intent upon liquidation of the underground Communist Party in favor of a parliamentary orientation and communism of "the respectable, rose-water kind." The greatest achievement of the CEC was the establishment of the Friends of Soviet Russia, Edwards indicates, although the American Labor Alliance had been allowed to atrophy into nothingness -- an "excellent form of organization" in the charge of a leadership group that didn't know how to do the work, Edwards states. Edwards applauds a recent article by Lenin indicating that 99% of the mensheviks who joined the Russian Communist Party after the revolution needed to be stricken from the ranks and states that "50% of our CEC" (that is, the former members of the United Communist Party) are similarly mensheviks who until recently supported the 2 1/2 or even the Second International. Edwards urges Laukki to inform Tyverovsky as to the state of affairs and to use the information for "enlightening the comrades on the present situation in America."

 

"Make It a Party of Action! A Declaration of the Central Executive Committee to the Membership." [circa November 1921] Full text of a 4 page leaflet of a statement by the majority group of the Central Executive Committee of the CPA to the rank and file on the heated factional situation developing in the party. Citing the directive of the Comintern expressed at the Third World Congress that it is the duty of the American Party "to try all ways and means to get out of their illegalized condition into the open, among the wide masses" the CEC here notes that "It is necessary to build a machinery that can make the fullest use of all legal possibilities" -- a "legal political organization which would centralize the legal activities of the Party." An opposition had appeared, however, a faction which in "both in the content of their criticism and in their methods...show themselves incapable of understanding or applying the tactics of the Communist International." Already "19 members who refused to recognized its authority, flagrantly violated its instructions, and threatened its representatives with violence" had been suspended. A circular letter of the Russian Federation is quoted to illustrate the factional activities of the opposition in the party and the exhortation is made that "every member knows that without a solid, united, and well disciplined party, victory over capitalism is impossible." Similar factional troubles relating to the editor of the Lithuanian Federation's underground official organ is detailed at some length and the withholding of funds by opponents of the current policy is noted. "The CEC declares that it will stop these destructive activities by decisive action. It will brook no disruption of the Party. The day for disruption is over! We must build a united and invincible front! We must build a party of revolutionary action!"

 

"Our Agrarian Problem," by Harold Ware [Nov. 1921] Harold Ware (party name "H.R. Harrow") was a son of Ella Reeve Bloor and the first agrarian expert of the American Communist movement. Ware lends the eye of a Marxist sociologist to the American agricultural situation, identifying four primary agricultural regions: East, Midwest, South, and West. He analyzes two of them in this article published in the underground official organ of the unified CPA. The West Ware finds to be typified by large agricultural units making use of modern production technology and employing large numbers of migratory workers during the harvest season -- true proletarians, Ware says. "Because the proletarian elements are most important in the west we must cooperate with the IWW in their activities among the farm workers. In spite of our general differences of policy we must recognize that the IWW alone is active in the agrarian field." In the East there is an altogether different production norm, Ware states, typified by small and highly productive farms worked by "semi-proletarians." Ware advocates the establishment of a Party "Agrarian Bureau" to coordinate work among the proletarian and semi-proletarian agricultural workers, with "Section-Agrarian Organizers" hitting the road on behalf of this institution. He also calls for establishment of a Communist agricultural newspaper and a party agrarian school to train volunteer city workers in agricultural methods so that they might be employed in agrarian organizing. "American imperialism may cause the longest, bitterest struggle in history before admitting defeat. Military campaigns will have fertile farm sections for their objectives. The critical battles will be for Food. We must win the producers of food to our side or the proletarian victory will be seriously delayed if not defeated," Ware declares.

"An Opponent of Garveyism: Letter to the Editor of The World Tomorrow," by W.A. Domingo [Nov. 1921]  Letter to the editor of the Fellowship of Reconciliation-backed monthly edited by Rev. Norman Thomas by a leading activist in the radical African Blood Brotherhood. Wilfred Domingo was the first editor of the Garvey official organ The Negro World until being cashiered in July 1919 for making use of the publication's pages socialist propaganda. Thereafter he joined the staff of The Messenger as a contributing editor. Domingo accuses Garvey of pouring out "bombastic, exaggerated, and misinformed statements" to the press and estimates the actual membership of his Universal Negro Improvement Association is "less than 20,000" based onto an examination of a published financial report -- a pale shadow of the 4.5 million members claimed. Domingo challenges Garvey's intellectual fitness to lead a mass movement representing the Negro race. He foresees a mortal error by failing to separate the ideology and propaganda of Garveyism from its inevitably doomed business enterprises: "When the material foundation is destroyed -- as the ordinary laws of economics and the machinations of those whom he thinks he is fighting surely will destroy it -- the spiritual superstructure will cease to be," he presciently predicts. Domingo gives Garvey the backhanded compliment of possessing great energy and understanding "the art of advertisement and race capitalization to a degree comparable only to Col. [William Joseph] Simmons of the Ku Klux Klan."

 

"Appeal of the Minority Members of the CEC of the Communist Party of America Against the Policies of the CEC on the Question of the Formation of a Legal Political Party in the United States." [Nov. 5, 1921]. The formal appeal of the CEC minority (i.e. the Central Caucus faction) to the Communist International seeking a halt to the actions of the CEC majority's actions with regard to establishment of a legal political party. While stating their agreement with the notion of legal political action and their willingness to adhere to the final decision of the ECCI in the matter, this appeal outlines the case of the minority: that the CEC majority had misrepresented the position of the ECCI and Lenin himself on the Legal Political Party; that its action in forcing the entire underground party into the open legal organization would put it at grave danger of arrest and destruction; that the duplication of legal and underground personnel would inevitably result in liquidation of the underground organization; that the proposed transformation of the American Labor Alliance for Trade with Soviet Russia into a full fledged Legal Political Party was counter to the Unity Agreement joining the old CPA with the UCP in May 1921 and artificial -- as the ALA had no mass membership outside of the underground CPA; that the CEC majority had failed to call an emergency convention of the party to work out details of this drastic change of the party line, thus resulting in confusion and a lack of confidence among the rank and file in the party leadership; that major preparatory work among the working class needed to be done before any Legal Political Party could be considered. For good measure, a litany of the offenses of the CEC Majority on other matters are tagged on the end, ranging from botched opportunities for mass propaganda to apathy to engagement in a policy of factional "crushing" of the former members of the old CPA.

 

"American Agricultural Problems," by Harold M. Ware [Nov. 12, 1921] During 1921, Harold Ware, the radical son of Ella Reeve Bloor and himself a small-scale farmer in Pennsylvania, abandoned his farm and went on the road incognito in order to experience the life of a migrant farmworker first-hand. "In the jungles and box cars I learned from one stiff after another of the battle of the migratory workers for a chance to organize, to find work, and to live," Ware writes, noting that. This is a summary of his assorted adventures on the road, a survey of American agriculture in the crash year of 1921 ranging from the tenant cotton farms of the South to cattle ranching of the Southwest to the the industrialized farming of California to the grain fields of the Northern Plains and Midwest to the rich agriculture of the East. The situation in the South was most critical, in Ware's estimation, based upon tenant farming in which the impoverished farmers, often negro, were extended credit to finance operations and living expenses in the coming year, at usurious rates of interest. In the spring of 1921, cotton prices had dropped precipitously, causing a contraction of credit and absolute destitution among the tenant farmers. The industrialized agriculture of California was the most favorable to organization, in Ware's view, for it was here that the IWW had made its greatest inroads in organizing agricultural workers for higher pay and shorter hours. Small farmers of the Northern Plains had been virtually wiped out by drought and plummeting agricultural prices, Ware says. North Dakota was something of a special case, Ware notes, in which farmers had been successfully organized for parliamentary action in their common interests in reaction to protracted exploitation by "the grain gamblers of Minnesota." Throughout, Ware sees average American farmers as an intermediate "semi-proletarian" class, producing the greater part of their output on the basis of their own labor and making use of hired labor only to assist during the peak period of harvest. The decline of agricultural prices was creating a tendency towards cooperation in the face of negative market pressures. "They have not learned that a loose marketing organization can never function effectively against the highly organized capitalist machinery. They will learn eventually that they must organize as a class, as working farmers, literally as producers. There are a large number of farmers in the South-Central states north of the Black Belt, both tenant and mortgaged owners, who are aware that the entire economic system of agriculture is at fault," Ware declares.

 

"Circular Letter to Districts and Federations of the Central Caucus from John Ballam, Secretary, Nov. 13, 1921." An internal bulletin of the Central Caucus faction, compiled by its Secretary, John Ballam. Ballam notes that the Statement of the 3 CEC Members had been sent to all districts and translated and transmitted by the officials of the faction's 6 federation caucuses -- Russian, Lithuanian, Ukrainian, Jewish, Latvian, and Polish. Ballam notes that arch-Legal Party advocate Max Bedacht had been named the editor of the underground organ and internal bulletin of the unified CPA and that in the coming week "ALL FEDERATIONS WILL BE NOTIFIED TO 'RAISE THEIR BRANCHES INTO LPP IN SYSTEMATIC MANNER, LANGUAGE BY LANGUAGE.'" The actual split was near at hand; groups of the Polish Federation had ceased paying dues to the unified CPA, some Yiddish-language party groups were refusing to obey directives to "raise" their branches from the underground despite threats of expulsion from the unified CPA. The Central Caucus (that is to say, the directing council of federation representatives of the faction)had decided to immediately send a representative to Soviet Russia to argue its case, Ballam notes -- although another archival document indicates that no representative was actually sent at this time in connection with this decision. The document includes district-by-district and federation-by-federation summaries of the activity of the Central Caucus faction.

 

"The Crisis in American Agriculture," by Henry C. Wallace [Nov. 15, 1921] During the fall of 1920 and into 1921, American farm commodity prices plummeted, pushing the nation's agriculture into a state of severe crisis. This critical situation is detailed in this extensive excerpt from the first annual report of Republican President Warren Harding's Secretary of Agriculture, Henry C. Wallace (not to be confused with his son Henry A. Wallace, the Secretary of Agriculture under Franklin D. Roosevelt from 1933 to 1940 and Vice President during FDR's third term). Wallace-the-elder notes that "The crops of the year 1920 were produced at the greatest costs ever known. These costs were justified by prices which prevailed at planting time. They were incurred willingly because the farmers had been told over and over again that overseas there was a hungry world waiting to be fed and that there would be a strong demand for all they could produce. The production was large; the farmers worked very hard, and climatic conditions favored good crops. But before the crops were harvested prices had so decreased that at market time the crops sold for far less than the cost of production... Hundreds of thousands produced at heavy financial loss." With the inflated costs of farm labor and transportation relatively fixed, the fall of market prices for agricultural commodities proved particularly disastrous. This drop in product values was heavy indeed -- "The purchasing power of our major grain crops is little more than half what it was on an average for the five prewar years of 1910-1914, inclusive," Wallace observes. This catastrophe was made still worse by a spate of borrowing to buy farmland at the speculatively inflated prices that developed during the prosperous wartime years. This spelled disaster for untold thousands of farmers in 1921, Wallace says, adding that young farmers just starting out were particularly hard hit.

 

"We Want an Open Communist Party." Unsigned appeal by The Workers' Council. [Nov. 15, 1921] This unsigned statement from the pages of The Workers' Council is a pointed attack on the plan of some inside the underground CPA to maintain a parallel secret organization in conjunction with the open Communist Party designed "to act in the capacity of a controlling organ, directing the activities of the public party, representing it internationally, determining its tactics and its principles.They insist on a system of parallel underground groups whose membership shall, in all important questions, act as a determined unit in the open organization." This amounts to perpetuation of the fundamental error, the WC statement contends, since "the underground form of organization places a premium on mediocrity. That part of the membership that has the destinies of the movement most at heart, and feels its individual responsibility most keenly, that can think for itself and see the mistakes that are being made, must struggle against almost impossible odds to make itself heard and to make its influence felt." At the same time, "Executive offices will be filled with men and women who will take dictation, who can be relied upon to carry out every order that is handed down to them." The purity of a sect is what is sought by the advocates of a directing underground structure. "But there is ever present the danger that discipline becomes tyranny." Examples of the imposition of party discipline for dubious objectives are cited for the German and American Socialist movements. This excessive discipline is dangerous and needless, the Workers' Council statement argues, since "the movement whose membership understands so little of its ideals and purposes as to need the watchful eye of a secret caucus, is a menace to the world revolution and should be abandoned."

Sinn Fein Prisoner Tells a Remarkable Story of Debs in Jail: Thomas Walsh of Irish Republican Army...Says ’Gene Rules the Prison and Dominates All [Nov. 24, 1921]  First-hand account of Socialist leader Eugene V. Debs' life behind bars at Atlanta Federal Penitentiary, passed on to the New York World by released Sinn Fein activist Thomas Walsh. Walsh indicates that Debs had been cut off from all published political newspapers and magazines by the justice department, but that he had made no effort to spread Socialist propaganda in any event, instead leading by way of example and serving as "the real spiritual counselor of the best and the worst of his prison-fellows." The Catholic Walsh enthusiastically calls Debs "he finest Christian I have met in or out of prison" despite Debs' aversion to attending church, lauding him as a "gentle and admirable spirit." Instances of kindness and personal generosity are cited and it is noted that Debs was universally held in high esteem by the prison population, who enforced the respectful use of the title "Mister Debs" towards him among other prisoners. Debs is characterized as a "sick man" who had refused offers for medical parole on the basis of principle, instead living a more or less regular prison existence.

 

"The Communists Answer," by Jay Lovestone [Nov. 26, 1921] Member of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party of America Jay Lovestone (writing as "R.B. Nelson") vigorously replies to charges levied by the Workers' Council group that the CPA went underground of its own volition, due to the "revolutionary romanticism" of many of its leading members -- a decision which lead to a separation from the masses of American labor and to the fostering of a false sense of security. Lovestone replies that the decision to go underground was in no way a choice: "While the 'above-boarders' of the Workers' Council were striving to win over the traitorous Socialist Party to a 'real, revolutionary international' (whatever that could have meant after 40,000 to 60,000 suspected of being Communists were expelled), the American Communists were openly fighting as Communists and were being jailed for scores of years of penal servitude." It was through the arrest and jailing of thousands in Dec. 1919 and Jan. 1920 that finally the communists "were driven to cover for protection and worked underground in order to save their organization," Lovestone declares, adding that "Since then the communists have tried their best to work in the open." The underground form of organization was not an end in and of itself, Lovestone states, noting that the Comintern itself declared for the need of parallel legal and illegal organizations in each country. The Comintern had never supported sectarian and "splendid-isolationist" policies, Lovestone declares and he states his belief that the inconsistent positions of the Workers' Council group "shows clearly that our Left Wing Socialist comrades were not in the past and are not even today ready to accept fully the principles and tactics of the Third International."

 

DECEMBER 1921

"Report of the Communist Party of America to the Executive Committee of the Communist International," by L.E. Katterfeld [December 1921]. A lengthy and detailed report on the situation facing the communist movement in the United States. Katterfeld notes that "it is necessary to build a machinery that can make the fullest use of all legal possibilities" and unveils the forthcoming Workers Party of America -- which sprung from the American Labor Alliance. This turn brought about a "new alignment in the Central Executive Committee," Katterfeld states, including the resignation of Executive Secretary Charles Dirba and an organized campaign to withhold dues from the central party organization. "The overwhelming majority of the membership, comprising all of the former United Communist Party and over half of the former Communist Party, are cooperating fully" with the plans of the CEC, Katterfeld declares. Katterfeld reports on the political campaign of the party in New York municipal elections, the work of the Friends of Soviet Russia in raising funds for famine relief, Party finances and membership, and the work of the Party press and in the trade union movement. An interesting esoteric point is Katterfeld's remark that the "very critical" financial situation of the CPA "was made acute through the expense for holding 10 different national Language Federation conventions, to which the Party HAD to agree as one of the conditions for achieving unity... Those language conferences cost about $15,000." Katterfeld makes an inflated claim of CPA membership of "between 12,000 and 13,000" -- as opposed to actual statistics showing an average paid membership of 8,588 for the five months BEFORE the Central Caucus split.

 

"For a Party of the Masses (The Struggle Against Sectarianism): A Statement on the Controversy in the Communist Party of America by the Central Executive Committee, in Answer to the Appeal of the 'Minority' Members...to the Executive Committee of the Communist International." [circa Dec. 1, 1921] This is the official response of the Central Executive Committee "majority" to the November appeal of the CEC "minority" (Ballam, Dirba, Ashkenuzi) to the Comintern, published as a special printed "bulletin" to the party membership as explanation of the factional crisis in the CPA. The document -- signed first by CEC member James Cannon, indicating some likelihood of his primary authorship -- is feisty and combative, charging Ashkenuzi, Ballam, and Dirba with the "unwarranted and indefensible action" of unnecessarily exposing details of the CPA's planned foray into legal political activity as a calculated means of sabotaging their implementation. The "minority" is charged to have repeatedly changed their position on "the all-important question of communist legal organization and activity" -- their claim of support "in principle" of legal political organization is asserted by the "majority" to be brazen and insincere. "Their pretended acceptance of the principle of legal communist political organization is accompanied by an intensified campaign to obstruct its actual realization in life. Their opposition now takes the form of open defiance of the Party discipline, an open appeal to the Party members to refuse to obey the decisions of the CEC. They accept the principle, they say, but they are willing to smash the party to pieces to prevent the APPLICATION of the principle." The claim of the "minority" that the "majority" sought the liquidation of the underground party is held to be without basis. "No communist can or should rely upon bourgeois legality, even in peaceful times," this statement of the "majority" affirms. The idea of the "minority" that only a portion of the underground CPA should be raised to the overground is dismissed as "ridiculous" -- an excuse for vesting authority over a brave and hardworking overground component in a cowardly, isolated, and sectarian underground component. Charges of the "minority" that the "majority" mishandled propaganda in the armed services, botched the structure of the legal press, allowed non-communist elements into the party, and had conducted a "crushing policy" is dismissed as hypocritical and without merit. "Their campaign of slander, disruption, and sabotage has failed to break the party. The split which they propagate cannot succeed," the CEC majority declares.

 

"Report of Campaign Committee, Workers' League Campaign, Dec. 1, 1921," by Edward Lindgren. While the Communist Party boycotted the 1920 elections, it made a first tentative step as a political party proper in the New York City elections of November 1921. The vehicle for its electoral campaign was a legal political party called "The Workers' League." This is a post-election report of the activities of the Workers' League by the organization's secretary, Edward Lindgren. Lindgren notes bitterly that "hostility and indifference" sprung up immediately within the party from the time of the August 26, 1921 nominating convention of the Workers' League, which put forward a ticket headed by Benjamin Gitlow for Mayor and including Edward Lindgren for Controller, Harry Winitsky for President of the Board of Aldermen, and Rose Pastor Stokes, Charles Brower, and Jacob Hartman as Borough Presidents. A "lack of discipline" which was "beyond description" crippled the organization's momentum and morale, while the erstwhile allies of the Workers' League -- including the Workers' Council, and Finnish, Jewish, and Hungarian Socialist Federations, did nothing to aid in fundraising. The attempt to garner signatures to gain ballot access was an outright debacle, forcing the organization to spend $1200 to employ professional signature-gatherers, who did in 10 days what the organization was unable to accomplish in 5 weeks. While a speakers bureau was built from scratch, a lasting achievement for the organization, many of these individuals failed to appear at the meetings which they were assigned, causing Lindgren great consternation. Still other qualified speakers refused their services to the party due to disagreement with the immediate demands of the Workers' League's program, Lindgren indicated. As a result, barely over 3,000 votes had been cast for the various candidates of the League, which ended the campaign about $3,000 in debt. While this first foray into electoral politics was a debacle, Lindgren provided a set of recommendations for future action. This document includes a full financial statement and preliminary vote counts for the various candidates of the Workers' League.

 

"Draft of a Note to V.I. Ul'ianov (N. Lenin) from Robert Minor in Moscow, December 2, 1921." Robert Minor, the CPA majority group's representative on the Executive Committee of the Communist International, was recalled by his party in November 1921 to bring documents from Moscow and the power of his personality to fight the Central Caucus opposition. He was replaced by Ludwig Katterfeld effective Nov. 23, 1921. Before he left for America, Minor wrote this note to Lenin, seeking a brief meeting and to introduce his successor at ECCI. Minor outlines the controversy in the CPA and notes that he will be returning "with all possible speed" with a resolution from ECCI supporting the position of the CPA majority as well as a thesis on legal work in America written by Otto Kuusinen, Karl Radek, and Nikolai Bukharin.

 

"Perpetuate the American Labor Alliance," by J.O. Bentall [Dec. 3, 1921]. An esoteric letter from a Duluth CPA member to the Central Executive Committee urging the retention of the American Labor Alliance [for Trade Relations with Russia] despite ongoing plans to initiate a Legal Political Party later that same month. The ALA -- one of the earliest and most important "front" groups of the early period -- was envisioned by Bentall as a sort of "Chamber of Commerce for the Workers," gaining access where a political party could not to "take hold and help" the workers en route to the revolutionary overthrow of capitalism. Establishment of a Legal Political Party would be insufficient for the tasks faced, Bentall argued, placing his primary emphasis on the needs of the strike movement. This document is interesting also for briefly mentioning that the "Friends of Soviet Russia" [called "the B" in clandestine party documents of the era] was organized by the American Labor Alliance [similarly: "the A"] itself.

 

"Letter to James P. Cannon in New York from Ludwig Katterfeld in Moscow, Dec. 10, 1921." This letter from the American Representative on the Executive Committee of the Communist International Ludwig Katterfeld to James Cannon in America has an intimate and personal tone, rather unlike most of the surviving correspondence between Moscow and New York. "Everything is all hunky dory, as far as our business [the CPA "majority"] is concerned," Katterfeld writes, adding that funding prospects from the Comintern for the American party in the coming year were promising. He indicates that the American party's decision to move forward with a parallel Legal Political Party has been warmly received by ECCI but he cautions that "you MUST heed the advice to hold a private conference of your own sales force [convention of the underground CPA] before entering into the public competition with others [the WPA]. There'll be some heads chopped off if you don't." This message was not received in time to postpone the founding convention of the WPA until February, as the Comintern had insisted -- but no heads rolled for the failure. Katterfeld indicates that CPA Executive Secretary Will Weinstone "seems to be asleep at the switch there. Please feed him a little cayenne pepper to wake him up." He also obliquely alludes to the demise of Nicholas Hourwich [Nikolai Gurvich] as a factor in American politics in the Comintern, stating that " The old geyser that used to befoul the landscape here has stopped spouting, or rather has been stopped."

 

"A Summary of Its Work by the Friends of Soviet Russia." [Dec. 1921] A very early public summary of its operations by the FSR, published without authorship signature in the Jan. 1922 issue of Soviet Russia. This short news release details the raising of $250,000 for Russian famine relief, forthcoming pamphlets on the famine by the organization, plans for stereopticon and motion picture events to raise awareness and funds for famine relief, and details the work of William Z. Foster touring on behalf of the organization and raising money through sales of his book, The Russian Revolution.

 

Dec. 1921 Resolution of Three Boston Latvian CPA Branches. Late in November of 1921, a split developed in the Central Executive Committee of the unified CPA over the question of formation of an underground party. Three members of the CEC (John Ballam, Charles Dirba, and George Ashkenudzie) appealed the CEC majority's decision to the Executive Committee of the Comintern and organized their supporters factionally. A split, which gathered its strongest support among the ex-old CPA Language Federation groups of the Northeast, ensued. This document is an early expression of the views of some of those who supported the breakaway "Central Caucus."

 

"The Negro Liberation Movement," by "C. Lorenzo" [Dec. 10, 1921] This survey of the black liberation movement from December 1921 appears to have been written by a white American Communist under a pseudonym and was published in the pages of the official organ of the Workers Party of America. "Lorenzo" sees two main tendencies in the negro liberation movement of the day -- the Universal Negro Improvement Association, headed by Marcus Garvey, and the African Blood Brotherhood, headed by Cyril Briggs. In addition, the existence of a number of "minor phases" of the movement are noted, including the Equal Rights League from Boston, and the Pan-African Congress; plus two African-based tendencies, the Mohammedan movement and the Ethiopian movement. "Lorenzo" states that the African Blood Brotherhood is "the only Negro organization that the capitalists view with any degree of alarm," owing to its reputation as having lead the armed self-defense of the black community in the Tulsa race riot and to its willingness to seek "the cooperation of all other forces genuinely opposed to the capitalist-imperialist system" (i.e. the communists and other radical white movements). "While placing a free Africa as the chief of its ultimate aims, the ABB has no intention of surrendering any rights that the Negro has won in any parts of the world, or of letting up on the fight for liberty -- 'political, economic, social' -- in the United States. It is at present carrying on a most uncompromising fight for the rights of the Negro workers in this country to organize for the betterment of their condition, the raising of their standard of living, and for shorter hours and higher wages. At the same time it seeks to imbue the Negro workers with a sense of the necessity of working class solidarity to the success of the struggle against the capitalist-imperialist system, which it asks Negroes to wage both as Negroes and as workers," "Lorenzo" declares.

"Convention Call to Organize the Workers Party of America." [Dec. 16, 1921]  Document formally announcing the convention to establish a Legal Political Party for the Communist Party of America at convention in New York City to be held December 23-26, 1921. The call was signed by the CPA-associated American Labor Alliance, the radical SP-offshoot The Workers' Council of the USA, the Jewish Socialist Federation, and the Workers' Educational Association.

 

"The Friends of Soviet Russia," by Alfred Wagenknecht [Dec. 17, 1921] Weekly report of Secretary of the Friends of Soviet Russia, Alfred Wagenknecht, writing for the official organ of the Workers Party of America under the pseudonym "A.B. Martin." Wagenknecht notes that to date $265,000 had been collected for the relief of the Russian famine, including the collection of 7,000 pairs of used shoes in Chicago and 26 bales of clothing in Cleveland. New York cobblers had volunteered to do shoe repair on donated footwear, two clothing manufacturers had made available their machinery, a benefit symphony concert had been arranged in Detroit, and Chicago was organizing druggists. Wagenknecht urges the collection of surplus grain from from Midwestern farmers. He notes that Floyd Ramp, Norman H. Tallentire, and Dennis E. Batt had been added to the FSR's staff of touring speakers. Includes a c. 1918 portrait of Alfred Wagenknecht.

 

"Minutes of the First Session of the Founding Convention of the Workers Party of America: New York -- Dec. 23, 1921." This terse record of the first day of the founding convention of the WPA is useful for its reckoning of the delegate strength of the various constituent organizations. Leading the list is the Workers Council and Arbeiter Bildings Verein groups, with 13 delegates each; the Finnish Socialist Federation and Jewish Socialist Federation, with 12 each; and the Jewish Section of the American Labor Alliance (i.e. the CPA), with 10. Three fraternal delegates were on hand from the Proletarian Party, while the African Blood Brotherhood was represented by 2 fraternal delegates. A total of 94 voting delegates were passed by the Credentials Committee. Caleb Harrison was elected permanent chair of the convention and Margaret Prevey of Ohio permanent vice chair. A proposed order of business was adopted, committees were elected, and the convention adjourned itself in favor of committee work.

 

"Speech to the Founding Convention of the Workers Party of America," by William F. Dunne [Dec. 26, 1921]. Speech of this Montana trade union activist and publisher of the Butte Bulletin to the founding convention of the WPA in New York. Dunne charges that the Socialist Party's obsession with chasing ballots was misplaced and had led to a "divorce" of that organization from the American working class. The IWW on the other hand, contained "the very cream of the revolutionary elements in this country" -- about 2/3 of the organization's membership would be in sympathy with the aims and purposes of the Workers Party of America, Dunne estimated. The WPA would attract these elements, Dunne believed, although he cautioned against overconfidence and an unwillingness to admit the possibility of present mistakes or the fact that mistakes had been made in the past.

 

"Constitution of the Workers Party of America: Adopted at National Convention, New York City, Dec. 24- 26, 1921." Full text of the initial set of organizational rules governing the so-called "Legal Political Party" attached to the the underground CPA. The unit of local organization is the branch, consisting of at least 5 members; multiple branches in any one city being joined by a City Central Committee with delegates based on branch size. National governance by annual conventions, which elect a 17 member Central Executive Committee. The CEC in turn selects the Executive Secretary and chooses District Organizers. Primary governance of the organization via District Conventions, which each elect 6 to a District Executive Committee, which includes the DO to make 7. Branches consisting of members speaking a common non-English language were to form "Language Branches," the sum total for each to be a "Language Section" (formerly Federations). Language Sections were to be governed by an annual Language Section Conference, which was to elect an executive Language Bureau -- candidates subject to the approval of the CEC. The Language Sections and their governing Bureaus were to have no power of suspension or expulsion, those prerogatives limited to the CEC.

 

"A Christmas Party," by Max Eastman. [events of Dec. 24-26, 1921] The above-ground ("legal") Workers Party of America was established at a founding convention which opened in New York City on Dec. 24, 1921. Liberator editor Max Eastman was on hand for the festivities, turning in this piece of eyewitness reportage. Eastman is enthusiastic for the new organization, calling it "much more mature and confident than any previous assemblage of its kind in this country." He noted that two years earlier a theoretical challenge such as that made by the two fraternal delegates of the Proletarian Party, Dennis Batt and Harry Wicks, "would have struck fire and split the convention in forty places. Large blocks of earnest young Bolsheviks of the "hyperthyroid" type would have withdrawn to closet themselves for forty hours' debate in caucus, while the American working class waited breathlessly to learn who were to be its leaders in the revolution. Today almost everyone seemed to realize that the American working class will not pay any attention to a debating society, and that the leaders will be those who occupy themselves with organization, propaganda, and action in the current struggle." Eastman expounds at length on the choice facing Eugene Debs -- to join and lend the new organization his prestige or to do likewise in the quest for a new organization uniting liberals and the farmer-labor movement in a short-lived transitional reformist political organization. This version includes a Boardman Robinson drawing, "Hail, the Workers Party!" from the same issue of The Liberator.

 

"The National Defense Committee." [Dec. 1921]. This report from a pamphlet published by the group was probably written by the NDC's Secretary-Treasurer, Communist Labor Party founding member Edgar Owens. This is a brief history of the establishment and first year's activities of the National Defense Committee, the first of the communist-sponsored mass organizations dedicated to legal defense of political prisoners in the United States. Owens notes that in the aftermath of the January 1920 "Palmer raids," with their thousands of arrests, local Defense Committees were organized to meet the local needs, although much of this work was duplicated from place to place. "Coordination of defense work was imperative. The answer was the National Defense Committee." Includes a summary of the organization's major activity as well as financial receipts and expenditures.

 

"Historical Timeline of the Central Caucus-CPA (Sept. 17, 1921 to Jan. 6, 1922)." [Jan. 7, 1922] This is an extremely valuable document consisting of short summaries of the results of the weekly sessions of the Central Caucus (the council of representatives of the rebellious wings of 6 language federations of the Communist Party and their officials). It is noted that the Central Caucus was established on Saturday, Sept. 17, 1921 (presumably in New York City), that it had undertaken to organize factional leaders on a district-by-district basis on the following Tuesday, that it had considered and adopted its first factional document, "Statement No. 1," outlining its grievances on Sept. 27, 1921, and that the appeal of the 3 CEC Members to the Comintern was first read at its Oct. 17 session. The actual organizational break was set in motion at the Nov. 7, 1921 meeting by a narrow 4 to 3 vote, it is revealed, when it was decided "to notify all Districts and Federations that where parts of groups, branches, or sections are raised [forced overground] into LPP, those who are with us an opposed to joining LPP at once organize themselves, elect their own captains, branch organizers, section organizers, etc.; and hold their meetings separately before going into regular underground meeting, in order to maintain the present form of party organization and to prevent the total liquidation of our party." A call for a "National Conference" of the faction, which ultimately declared itself the "Emergency Convention of the Communist Party of America," was issued on Nov. 28, 1921, and the decision that membership dues should be paid to the Central Caucus rather than to the CEC of the unified CPA was made December 5, 1921. The National Conference/Emergency Convention was actually held in New York from Jan. 7-12, 1922, it should be noted.

 


The URL of this page is: http://www.marxisthistory.org/subject/usa/eam/year1921downloads.html