JEWISH (YIDDISH) LANGUAGE FEDERATIONS

Earliest Radical Jewish Organizations and Press in the United States

The First Congress of the Second International, held in Paris in 1889, included among its delegates a representative of the Jewish socialist movement in America. Organization among the Jewish workers had begun to blossom by 1890, when the first Yiddish language socialist newspaper in America was established in New York, the Arbeiter Zeitung.

For seven years, a group called the Jewish Agitation Bureau served as a center for various independent socialist groups. The Jewish Agitation Bureau had neither adequate funding nor sufficient authority amongst the various groups, however, and it was unable to establish a truly united federation of Jewish socialist groups.

 

The Jewish Socialist Agitation Bureau of the United States and Canada

The Jewish Socialist Agitation Bureau was established in 1908, the product of a number of prominent Jewsish leaders in the Socialist Party of New York, including Benjamin Feigenbaum, Meyer Gillis, Max Kaufman, and others. This organization was essentially a central clearing house for Yiddish-language Socialist Party Branches, maintaining communications and coordinating the production and sale of Yiddish-language leaflets and pamphlets. The individual Yiddish branches were organized as part of the regular state and county party structure, paying full dues to those party organizations and differing from English-language branches only in the language in which they conducted their business.

 

1. Convention --- Rochester, NY --- xxxxx 1908.  

Max Kaufman of Rochester was named the first Secretary of the Jewish Agitation Bureau. Headquarters were maintained at 141 Division Street, New York. The bureau was composed of affiliated SP branches, which were assessed up to $10 a month for upkeep of the central office. The Jewish Agitation Bureau published a number of books including a history of the US by B. Salzman, "Workingmen, Next!" by Benjamin Feigenbaum, and others. The bureau toured a number of speakers including Charney Vladeck, Abraham Shiplacoff, and others.

The Jewish Agitation Bureau sent Barnet Wolff and Meyer London to the 1910 Congress of the Socialist Party as fraternal delegates, with voice but no vote.

X. Annual Convention --- Boston, MA --- May 27-29, 1911

By the May 1912 Convention of the SPA, the Jewish Socialist Agitation Bureau counted about 80 Yiddish-language branches in 30 states with which it was in communication. An agitation inside the Jewish Agitation Bureau had emerged which sought a semi-autonomous status for the organized Jewish branches akin to the SPA's Finnish Federation.

 

[fn: J.Panken: "Report Submitted in Behalf of the Jewish Socialist Agitation Bureau" in Proceedings: National Convention of the Socialist Party, 1912. (Chicago, IL: The Socialist Party, n.d. [1912]), pg. 244; "Jewish Group in Party Will Convene Today," NY Call, Sept. 3, 1921, pg. 7.]

 
The Jewish Federation of the Socialist Party

 

1. Convention of Jewish Socialist Party Branches -- Patterson, NJ -- May 30 - June 2, 1912.

A convention of Jewish Socialist Party branches was held in Paterson, NJ, from May 30th to June 2nd, 1912. It was there decided to form the Jeiwsh Socialist Federation, which would then affiliation with the Socialist Party in accordance with provisions made for Language Federations at the 1912 SPA Convention at Indianapolis. On July 31, 1912, the Jewish Socialist Federation came into formal existence. The National Executive Committee of the SPA was quick to grant the new group affiliation, but it insisted that the group's Secretary, J.B. Salutsky, come to Chicago to work in the National Office as Translator-Secretary. This move was not possible until after the fall presidential campaign. Therefore, it was only on Nov. 20, 1912, that the Jewish Federation had a Translator-Secretary in Chicago.

At the time of its affiliation, the Jewish Federation was composed of 24 branches, with a total membership of about 800. The next 8 months saw dramatic growth, with a total of 68 branches standing as of April 1, 1913, with some 1,993 members in good standing and another 700 on the rolls as members in arrears.

The Jewish Federation began publishing propaganda in Yiddish its first year, including 100,000 copies of the Socialist Party Platform, two leaflets by SPA Presidential candidate Eugene V. Debs, and a translation of "Your Growing Grocery Bill," by allen Benson. The Federation also published 10,000 copies of a 24-page May Day magazine.

[fn: J.B. Salutsky, "Report of the Jewish Translator-Secretary," leaflet printed for the National Committee, SPA, ([Chicago]:{Socialist Party of America], [1913]), pp. 1-2.]

  2. 1st Convention of the National Federation of Jewish Branches of the Socialist Party -- New Haven, CT -- October 3-5, 1913.

According to General Secretary of the Federation, J.B. Salutsky, 1,200 new members had been gained in the previous year, bringing the total membership of the Jewish Federation to more than 3,000.

In the previous year, some 500,000 Yiddish-language leaflets were distributed and more than 70,000 pamphlets sold at 5 or 10 cents per copy.

In May 1913, an official monthly publication was launched, The Jewish Socialist. The press run of each issue was 10,000 copies, with the publication sold in bundles for from $1 to $3 per hundred.

The Jewish Federation collected $1,000 for the textile mill strikers at Paterson, NJ, and over $400 for cigar strikers in Pittsburgh.

Total income for the federation from all sources during the year was over $10,000.

The convention decided to employ two permanent organizers and to estalish a lyceum course. The official publication was moved to a semi-monthly publication schedule at once with a view to becoming a weekly in fairly short order. The paper was to be published with a different front page for every Jewish community with sufficient circulation.

A committee was appointed "to place definite recommendations before the Jewish Daily Forward for the improvement of that paper," Salutsky reported to the membership of the Socialist Party.

The General Secretary's office was to be continued in New York City, with the Translator-Secretary remaining in the National Office in Chicago, as required.

Salutsky was unanimously re-elected General Secretary of the federation and a slate of candidates nominated for the Executive Committee. The next convention was scheduled for May 1915.

[fn: J.B. Salutsky, "Jewish Socialists Hold Convention," The Party Builder, whole no. 51 (Oct. 25, 1913), pg. 1.]

There were 75 delegates to the 2nd National Convention of the JSF, held in Philadelphia in May of 1915. Seventy of these delegates were men and five women; of these 43 were shop workers and 44 were American citizens, with an additional 20 having taken out their first citizenship papers. Theresa S. Malkiel attended the gathering as the fraternal delegate of the Socialist Party National Committee.

[fn: Melech Epstein, The Jew and Communism. (New York: Trade Union Sponsoring Committee, 1959), pp. 59-60.]

 

This group continued its pattern of rapid growth, quickly becoming one of the SPA's largest Language Federations, with a claimed membership of about 5,000 in 1915. The group published a weekly newspaper called Naye Welt [The New World], edited by Jacob Salutsky from 1914, and a quarterly magazine, The Time.

[fn: I.B. Bailin, " Socialist Activities Among the Jews" in The American Labor Year-Book, 1916. (NY: Rand School Press, 1916), pp. 138-140.]   4. National Conference of the Jewish Socialist Federation -- (New York?) -- March 11, 1917.

The March 1917 conference called by the Jewish Socialist Federation seems to have been a multi-party affair on the question of the European war. The National Workers' Committee and the United Hebrew Trades both endorsed the Conference, which passed a resolution stating "We ar e against war not because we side with this or the other camp of the belligerent countries. We are against war generally. We are not pro-German or pro-Ally. We are pro-proletarian."

[fn: Melech Epstein, The Jew and Communism. (New York: Trade Union Sponsoring Committee, 1959), pg. 61]   5. 3rd National Convention of the Jewish Socialist Federation -- New York, NY -- May 26-30, 1917.

The May 1917 Convention of the Jewish Socialist Federation endorsed the majority report on War and Militarism of the St. Louis Emergency National Convention. It determined to establish a network of Socialist schools under the auspices of the branches, with instruction to take place in either Yiddish or English.

B. Hoffman, Olgin, and J.B. Salutsky were elected to the Board of Direction of Naye Welt [The New World], and the names of Salutsky and Max Lulow were put into nomination for the position of Secretary of the JSF, to be determined by vote of the membership.

A resolution was passed calling for the expulsion of C.E. Russell, William English Walling, and J.G. Phelps Stokes for their public endorsement of the war policy of the Wilson regime.

The convention closed with speeches by J. Baskin, General Secretary of the Workmen's Circle; Morris Siskind, editor of the Jewish Labor World in Chicago; Dr. Frank Rosenblatt, Dr. B. Hoffman, J.B. Salutsky, and Louis Shaffer.

[fn: "Jewish Socialist Federation Endorses Majority War Resolution," NY Call, May 31, 1917, pg. 4.

 

The first Jewish Left Wing Socialist group was formed early in 1919 in New York City. Five people were present at the creation, all men in their 20s: Frank Geliebter, Harry Hiltzik, Lazar Kling, William Abrams, and Ben Solomon. The group met in a basement restaurant on the corner of Jefferson and Madison Streets and called their group the "Left Wing of the Jewish Socialist Federation." The group had only weak ties to the broad Left Wing Section of the Socialist Party but did meet regularly and gained adherents among young Jews of their age. The group circulated a letter accusing Naye Welt of "chauvinistic social patriotism" for that paper's move towards embracing the Wilsonian "14 Points."

Other Left Wing Jewish groups sprang up in Boston, New Haven, Philadelphia, Chicago, and Detroit.

On Feb. 16, 1919, a Left Wing Yiddish-language organ was born, a weekly called Der Kampf, edited by Philip Geliebter and Hertz Burgin. Burgin, a former member of the editorial staff of Abraham Cahan's Daily Forward, later went on to work for many years for the Soviet-American Trading Company, Armtorg.

[fn: Melech Epstein, The Jew and Communism. (New York: Trade Union Sponsoring Committee, 1959), pp. 67-69.]     6. National Conference --- New York, NY --- May XX-XX, 1918.

According to Harry Hiltzik, the leadership of the Jewish Federation held a national conference in New York city in May 1918 to repudiate the St. Louis resolution of the Socialist Party and to endorse a social-patriotic position on the war. The conference voted 25 to 19 to suport the Wilson administration's war effort.

[fn. Speech of Harry Hiltzig to the Left Wing National Conference, New York, June 1921, published in The Revolutionary Age, Aug. 2, 1919, pg. 16.]

 

 

7. 4th National Convention of the Jewish Socialist Federation -- Boston, MA -- May 29-June 1, 1919.

The 4th National Convention, held in Boston from May 29 to June 1, 1919, saw the split of the Jewish Socialist Federation into Left and Right Wings. The meeting was attended by 136 delegates, representing branches in 26 states. Parallel delegations were sent by a number of branches, resulting in numerous contests and a great deal of bitter debate. The majority, loyal to the SPA, was led by Moissaye Olgin, J.B. Bielin, and Jacob Mindel; the minority Left by Alexander Bittelman, Meyer Lunin, and Harry Hiltzik. There was sharp division on the question of the organization's tactics and program, with the Left advocating an immediate split with the SPA and a program calling for the dictatorship of the proletariat. In the test, the majority resolution received 74 votes, the Left's resolution 38 votes, with 17 abstentions. After defeat of its motion to leave the SPA, the Left Wing minority of the convention, led by Alex Bittelman, bolted the gathering to form what was first called the "Jewish Left Wing Federation of the Socialist Party." On June 27, 1919, the Yiddish-language journal Der Kampf [The Struggle], started in February 1919 by the Downtown Manhattan Jewish Branch, was made the weekly organ of this "Jewish Left Wing Federation."

[fn: Melech Epstein, The Jew and Communism. (New York: Trade Union Sponsoring Committee, 1959), pp. 69-72; speech of Harry Hiltzig to the National Left Wing Conference, New York, June 1921, published in The Revolutionary Age, Aug. 2, 1919, pg. 16; John Holmes, PhD Dissertation in Preparation (2007), Chapter 3.]

  7A. There seems to have been some sort of 5th Regular Convention in 1921.  

The departure of its Left Wing did not terminate the Jewish Socialist Federation. The organization stayed within the SP through its period of decline until in 1921, when in the aftermath of the SP's Detroit Convention (June 25-29), a majority of the JSF's Executive Committee voted to leave the Socialist Party. A special convention was called for September 1921 in New York to act on this recommendation.

 

8. Special Convention of the Jewish Socialist Federation -- New York, NY -- Sept. 3-5, 1921.

The September 1921 Special Convention, called for the sole purpose of deciding the Jewish Socalist Federation's future relationship with the Socialisti Party, was attended by 77 delegates from 43 branches. According to a press account on the eve of the convention, the ranks of the Federation had by this time dwindled to a mere 500 members. The outcome of the convention was decided in the balloting for a Credentials Committee, which pitted 2 slates against one another -- one supportive of the Federation's Executive Committee and its desire to remove the JSF from the Socialist Party, another loyal to the SPA. All delegates who had been provisionally certified by the Executive Secretary, challenged and unchallenged, were allowed to vote for this Credentials Committee, with a result that the slate supportive of the EC won by a vote of approximately 40 to 25. Late in the evening of the first day, the Credentials Committee and the Convention began to systematically seat challenged delegates seeking removal of the JSF from the SPA, and unseating challenged delegates seeking continued SPA affiliation.

In the afternoon of Sept. 4, all factional maneuvering ended; after 6 hours of rancorous debate, the matter of the Jewish Socialist Federation's relationship to the Socialist Party came to a vote. Some 41 delegates voted for the break with the Socialist Party of America and 34 voted for continued affiliation.

On Sept. 5, the matter of national and international affiliation was discussed and decided by the remaining delegates. A decision was made not to pursue membership in the Communist Party of America, the underground nature of that organization being held to be objectionable. A report expressing willingness to affiliate with the Comintern was passed by a vote of 43 to 3, however. A declaration of principles, briefly reviewing the recent history of the labor movement and indicating that the Jewish Federation was opposed to affiliation with any current radical group, but willing to join with any national organization subscribing to its principles, was approved.

The convention set the dues of the newly independent Jewish Federation at 50 cents per month. Applicants were to be required to have two endorsers, to wait 2 weeks after applying before acceptance, and were to be prohibited from voting on substantial matters for one month. In addition, no one who was a capitalist and derives profit from others' labor were allowed to join, according to the rules adopted.

This independent Jewish Socialist Federation was known as THE WORKERS' COUNCIL.

New York Call daily reports of the convention available here: DAY ONE | DAY TWO | DAY THREE | DAY FOUR

[fn. Jewish Group in Party Will Convene Today," NY Call, Sept. 3, 1921, pg. 7; "Jewish Group Seats Enemies of Party Unity," NY Call, Sept. 4, 1921, pg. 7.; "Loyal Jewish Socialists Quit Seceding Body," NY Call, Sept. 5, 1921, pg. 11; "New Alliance is Created by Jewish Group," NY Call, Sept. 6, 1921, pg. 7.]

 

The Jewish Socialist Verband of the Socialist Party [JSV]   1. Founding Meeting of the Jewish Socialist Verband -- New York, NY -- Sept. 4-5, 1921.

The losing 34 delegates in the vote of Sept. 4, 1921, immediately walked out of the main hall to another room in the Forward building and held an organizational meeting, which was addressed by Jacob Panken, J. Baskin of the Workmen's Circle, Alexander Kahn, and Executive Secretary Otto Branstetter of the Socilaist Party. The minority delegates determined to form the "Jewish Socialist Verband [Alliance] of the Socialist Party" [JSV]. A committee of 9 was elected to draw up plans for the new organization, to report back the next day, when the dissident delegates would meet again.

The new JSV was formally established on Sept. 5, 1921. Some 36 delegates, representing 24 branches were in attendance. The gathering was addressed by Assemblyman Charles Solomon and Max D. Danish of the ILGWU. While claiming that it had majority support of the branches and members of the JSF, it was retrospectively acknowledge by Alexander Kahn that the JSV had an initial strength of about 250.

Nathan Chanin was elected General Secretary of this new organization. An Executive Committee was elected by the gathering, including A. Lessing, editor of Zukunft [The Future], Max Pine, Alderman B.C. Vladeck, Alexander Kahn, and Benjamin Shainblum. Pledges in the amount of $4,000 were made to support the launch of the new organization.

A week later the group began to issue its own Yiddish-language weekly organ, Der Wecker [The Awakener]. The apparatus associated with the Daily Forward went with the new Verband, while most of the prominent intellectuals and practical workers of the organization stayed with the disaffiliiated JSF, which styled itself as a new political organization, the "Workers Council."

[fn: Melech Epstein, The Jew and Communism. (New York: Trade Union Sponsoring Committee, 1959), pp. 92-97; "Loyal Jewish Socialists Quit Seceding Body," NY Call, Sept. 5, 1921, pg. 11; "New Alliance is Created by Jewish Group," NY Call, Sept. 6, 1921, pg. 7.]

By the summer of 1923, the Jewish Socialist Verband had more than tripled in size, claiming a membership of about 800 members in a May 1923 report to the National Convention of the Socialist Party.

[fn: Alexander Kahn, "Report of the Jewish Alliance," in The Socialist World, July 1923, pg. 10.]

The Socialist Party continued to have an affiliated Jewish Federation throughout the decade of the 1920s and beyond, with the organization maintaining a membership of approximately 590 members in 1927 and 1928 -- roughly 5.2% of the total party membership. This made the SP's Jewish Federation the 3rd largest of its 5 Language Federations.

[fn: Letter of Executive Secretary Willam H. Henry to the NEC, Nov. 24, 1928. Original in Bob Millar collection.]    
10. 10th Annual Convention of the Jewish Socialist Verband -- New York, NY -- Nov. 25-27, 1931.

The Jewish Socialist Verbund met at the 2nd Avenue Theater in Now York City on November 25, 1931 to launch the group's 10th Annual Convention. The meeting was addressed by A. Litwack, Joseph Baskin, and Veband Secretary Nathan Chanin. Algernon Lee addressed the gathering on behalf of the Socialist Party of New York. The gathering was attended by 96 representatives of 41 branches of the organization and were joined by 100 fraternal delegates from such organizations as the Workman's Circle, United Hebrew Trades, the Forward Association, and other groups.

The gathering elected a new National Executive Committee, which included A. Litwack, B. Hoffman, C. Kanrowitch, L. Fogelman, I. Tygel, S. Rifkin, M. Gaft, A. Sobotko, I. Sedletsky, M. Weinstein, D. Meyer, B Levitin, P. Gellebber, P. Block, P. Steinbert, B. Gebiner, J. Rosenfard, and J. Leventhal.

The convention dealt with the application of the Socialist-Zionist "Poale Zion" party to join the group as an autonomous unit. In response a resolution passed which stated "The influece of Zionism on Socialist work we consider harmful. It united the Jewish workers and the Jewish bourgeoisie classes for so-called general national interests, which are always more important for the Zionists than the class struggle between the Jewish Workers and the Jewish capitalists." Poale Zion members were permitted to join the organization as individuals, but the application for membership as a unit was rejected.

[fn:"Verband Holds 10th Annual Convention," The New Leader, Jan. 2, 1932, pg. 5.

X. National Convention of the Jewish Socialist Verband -- New York, NY -- Dec. X-X, 1935.

The 1936 annual convention of the Jewish Socialist Verband, held during the first week of December 1935, was a heated affair in which the Thomas/Militant leadership of the party was attacked by a resolution introduced by Nathan Chanin. The resolution was ultimately withdrawn when it became clear that a majority of the over 100 delegates assembled would not support it. Instead, a resolution was passed calling for the Verband to work for peace within the party.

Abe Cahan, Alex Kahn (attorney of the Jewish Daily Forward), and James Oneal all addressed the gathering in seeking to place the Verband on the record in favor of a split.

Resolutions were passed critical of the Soviet Union and putting the Jewish Socialist Verband on the record as opposing any united front with the Communists. The convention defeated an alternate proposal by Militant delegates calling for united fronts on specific issues such as civil librerties. Militants also introduced a resolution on the situation within the Socialist Party, which was likewise rejected.

[fn: "Verband Stays Loyal to SP," The Socialist Call, Dec. 7, 1935, pg. 10.]    

 

The Jewish Federation of the (old) Communist Party of America

 

1. First Convention of the Jewish Communist Federation --- Philadelphia, PA -- Oct. 9-12, 1919.

The former Left Wing branches of the Jewish Federation, bound together as the "Jewish Left Wing Federation of the Socialist Party," held their own Convention in Philadelphia from Oct. 9-12, 1919. Forty-five branches from 20 cities, claiming a membership of 3,000, were represented at the gathering at New Auditorium Hall at the Continental Hotel, which was said to have been attended by an audience of over 1400. National Secretary of the Jewish Communist Federation Meyer Lunin reported that Der Kampf's circulation had surpassed that of the rival JSF organ Naye Velt.

The gathering was attended by Nicholas Hourwich and Maximilian Cohen on behalf of the old CPA, both of whom addressed the assembled body. The Convention voted unanimously to affiliate with the CPA, adopting the name Jewish Communist Federation. The gathering adopted the CPA program in its entirety.

The Jewish Communist Federation selected an 8 member Central Executive Committee at the October 1919 convention including Alexander Bittelman, Halpen, Harry Hiltzik, Klintz, Benjamin Lifshitz, Meyer Lunin, Plotkin, Winick.

The illegal underground organ of the JCF of the CPA in the Yiddish language remained Der Kampf [The Struggle], which had first appeared at the end of June, when the "Jewish Left Wing Federation" was first emerging. However, the name of this publication was shortly renamed Funken [Sparks] in echo of Lenin's Iskra.

[fn: C.E. Ruthenberg, " The Party Organization," in The Communist, new series v. 1, no. 5, Oct. 25, 1919, pg. 7; John Holmes, PhD Dissertation in Preparation (2007), Chapter 3.]   2. Second Convention of the Jewish Communist Federation --- (city???) -- June 5-12, 1920.

The Jewish Communist Federation was one of the smallest Language Federations of the old CPA. Its paid membership in Feb. 1921 was for only 144 members. May 1921 showed a dues stamp sale of 198, including current and back dues. There were an additional 12 members who were exempt from dues payments, for a total of 210. Comparable figures for June 1921 were 252 paid, 2 exempt, for a total of 254.

Branches of the Jewish Federation of the old CPA were limited to the cities of Brooklyn, Manhattan, Los Angeles, Toronto, Paterson, NJ, Boston, Roxberry, MA, Chicago, St. Paul, and Hartford, CT in mid-1921.

Morris Kushinsky ["M. Hoffman"], later the Philadelphia District Organizer for the unified CPA, was the Sedretary of the Jewish Federation of the CPA in February 1921. By May, he was replaced by "B. Stevens."

[fn: Comintern Archive: f. 515, op. 1, d. 75, l. 21-22; 24.]    
The Jewish Federation of the United Communist Party of America

The departure of Ruthenberg and his allies to unity with the Communist Labor Party at the first Bridgman Convention, held May 26-31, 1920, was marked by the splitting of the Jewish Communist Federation. A number of Jewish branches and members followed Ruthenberg into the UCP. The young dentist Louis Hendin was put in charge of the Jewish Section of the UCP.

[fn: Melech Epstein, The Jew and Communism. (New York: Trade Union Sponsoring Committee, 1959), pg. 79].

The illegal organ in the Yiddish language published by the Jewish Section of the UCP was called Der Komunist.

There were surprisingly few Yiddish language primary party units in the UCP. In December 1920, party records indicate that only 37 of 673 groups used Yiddish, a smaller total than those speaking South Slavic (Croatian, Slovenian), Russian, English, German, and Latvian.

[fn: DoJ/BoI Investigative Files, NARA M-1085, reel 940, doc. 501 -- downloadable below.]

 

 
The Jewish Federation of the (unified) Communist Party of America

An Arrangement Committee consisting of 3 Jewish Federationists from each the former UCP and the old CPA met on June 24 and 26, 1921, to discuss the details of a merged Jewish Federation in the unified CPA.The group split along party lines over an Editor the name of the press organ of the Federation. Ultimately the name Proletarisher Kampf (Proletarian Struggle) was chosen and a four member Editorial board was chosen. Division remained over the naming of the paid editor, however, with each side favoring its own candidate. The issue was resolved irresolutely, by approving two paid editors for the publication. Even this clumsy solution was sabotaged, when the ex-UCP editor stated that he would not work with any but "professional writers" on the project, a reference to the ex-CPA paid editor. The situation was left up to the Central Executive Committee of the unified CPA for resolution -- itself a body split down the middle along (former) party lines.

[fn: Comintern Archive: f. 515, op. 1, d. 75, l. 27-32, passim.]  

Both the Jewish Federation of the old CPA and the Jewish Federation of the former UCP made farcically high membership claims during the unification process in July 1921 -- 339 for the old CPA (which had an actual May/June paid+exempt average of 232) and 340 for the ex-UCP.

[fn: Comintern Archive: f. 515, op. 1, d. 75, l. 33.]  

During the 4 months from August to November 1921, the unified Communist Party's Jewish Federation had an average monthly paid membership of 428. It was the 7th largest of the 10 Language groups in the party.

[fn: Comintern Archive: f. 515, op. 1, d. 75, l.47-50.]  
The Jewish Section of the Workers Party of America

The Jewish Section of the Workers Party of America was created via the merger of the predominantly Jewish Workers' Council group, a faction led by Moissaye J. Olgin, with the historic Jewish Federation of the unified CPA, a faction headed by Alexander Bittelman.

The Jewish Federation began to publish its organ, Freiheit [Freedom] on April 2, 1922. The publication was edited by Shachno Epstein and M.J. Olgin.

There was an extreme factional struggle pitting the WC-Olgin and JCF-Bittelman factions during the first year of the WPA. The Executive Committee of the Jewish Workers Federation was initially split 50-50 betweent the Olgin and Bittleman factons, with 9 members of the EC hailing from each of the two groups. For the former Workers Council group were: J.B.S. Hardman [Salutsky], M.J. Olgin, Zivyon, Paul Yuditz, Jacob Mindel, Rubin Salzman, Ab. Epstein, David Siegel, and A. Wiener. For the former JCF were: Shachno Epsteind ["J Berson"], Alex Bittelman, Kalmen Marmor, Louis Hendin, Morris Holtman, Meyer Lunin, Hymen Costrell, Noah London, and Taubenshlag.

The 9-9 gridlock on the EC was broken when Noah London (Executive Secretary of the Federation) and Shauchno Epstein began to side with the Olgin group, resulting in a working majority. The Olgin group sought to consolidate its position by rushing a convention in December 1922, to be held before the 2nd National Convention of the WPA rather than after, and in this manner to present the national organization with a fait accompli. This decision came in opposition to the direction of the Central Executive Committee of the WPA and brought about a stinging rebuke of the Olgin group from Ruthenberg for their undisciplined and un-Communist "centrism." Expulsion of the Jewish Bureau was called for and a split of the Jewish Federation seemed likely.

The German Federation sought to prevent a split and immediately intervened, bringing about a meeting between WPA Executive Secretary C.E. Ruthenberg and a committee of three representing the Jewish Bureau (Moissaye Olgin, Meyer London, George Wishnak). Negotiations continued from Friday, Nov. 17 to Thursday, Nov. 23, in which certain conditions were set upon the Jewish Bureau, including the turning over of controlling ownership of the Freiheit to the party, specific rules for factional agitation and publications, and the immediate reimposition of a 50-50 division of the Jewish Bureau between the Olgin and Bittelman factions. The parties were unable to come to an agreement on these terms and the WPA's Administrative Council, with Ruthenberg in the front seat, imposed its terms. The details of these negotiations from Ruthenberg's point of view were written in a letter to the German Bureau on December 1, 1922.

The Comintern weighed in on the matter, and the head of the CI Zinoviev sent a cable to Ruthenberg and the Workers Party in New York. This cable condemned the antics of the Olgin group as a "frivolous breach of discipline" against the Administrative Council of the Workers Party "perpetrated by [a] group which did not even attempt inform its representatives in Moscow" about the object of their conflict and "did not await decision of court of last resort as was their right as well as their duty." Using this cable as additional ammunition, an agreement was brokered between the two factions of the Jewish organization prior to the scheduled Dec. 16, 1922, start of the wildcat convention.

Further emergency negotiations were conducted between the Jewish Bureau and the Administrative Council of the WPA immediately prior to the scheduled wildcat convention of Dec. 16, 1922. An agreement was brokered calling for election of a new Federation Executive Committee consisting of an equal number of members from the Olgin and Bittelman factions, with an additional member chosen by the CEC of the WPA. The Bureau of the Federation was to transfer the ownership of the Federation's official organ, the Freiheit, to the CEC as soon as ownership was similarly transfered to the CEC by other federations. In addition, the new Bureau was to pass a resolution declaring its duty to submit to the discipline of the Central Executive Committee.

 

1. First Convention of the Jewish Workers Federation --- [city???] -- Dec. 16-17, 1922.     2. Second Convention of the Jewish Workers Federation --- [city???] -- "Jan. or Feb." 1924.

As of March 1924, the National Organizer of the Jewish Federation of the Workers Party was Meyer Loonin. Secretary of the Jewish Section was Morris Holtman. Manager of the Daily Freiheit was R. Saltzman.

  3. Third Convention of the Jewish Workers Federation --- [city???] -- Sept. XX-XX, 1925.

"Report of Committee on Foreign Speaking Organizations to the National Convention of the Socialist Party, May 17, 1908." Committee report to the 1908 SPA Convention in Chicago, delivered by S.A. Knopfnagel. The Committee advocated the acceptance of all foreign language organizations seeking affiliation with the Socialist Party, subject to 5 conditions: "(1) They are composed of Socialist Party members only. (2) Any foreign speaking organization having a national form of organization of its own be recognized only if all the branches composing this organization having been chartered by the national, state, or local Socialist Party organizations, and pay their dues to the respective Socialist Party organizations. (3) No foreign speaking organization asking the Socialist Party for recognition shall issue their own particular national, state, or local charters. Same to be issued only by the respective organizations of the Socialist Party, as the case may require. (4) All foreign speaking organizations affiliated with the Socialist Party must and shall conform in every respect with the Socialist Party national, state, and local constitutions, platforms, and resolutions. (5) They should function only as agitation, education, and organization bureaus of the Socialist Party." Includes an amendment made from the floor but not published in the SP's Official Bulletin (probably due to incompetence rather than malice) prohibiting the refusal of admission to the SPA on account of race or language.

"Report Submitted in Behalf of the Jewish Socialist Agitation Bureau to the Socialist Party National Convention, May 1912," by Jacob Panken. Prior to its 1912 establishment as a formal Language Federation of the Socialist Party, Yiddish-speaking socialists were organized in a "Jewish Socialist Agitation Bureau," which maintainted contact between the various branches and helped coordinate the production of Yiddish-language leaflets and pamphlets. This is the report of the Jewish Bureau's delegate to the 1912 SPA Convention, Jacob Panken. Panken counts about 80 Yiddish branches in 30 states with which the Jewish Bureau was in contact and provides some statistics on the number of meetings held and the production of socialist literature.

MAY 1913

"Report of the Jewish Translator-Secretary to the National Committee of the Socialist Party of America, May 1913," by J.B. Salutsky. The Jewish Federation of the Socialist Party established itself in the summer of 1912 and had sent its Secretary, Jacob Salutsky, to serve as Translator-Secretary in the SPA's National Office on December 20. Over the next nine months the group nearly tripled in size, to a paid membership of nearly 2,000 in 68 branches. This is Salutsky's report to the 1913 plenum of the SPA National Committee, detailing the history and growth of the Jewish Federation.

 

MAY 1917

"Dr. M. Goldfarb Will Return to Work in Russia: Revolution Has Opened Way for Him to Continue Work for the Bund, Halted in 1913 by the Romanov Autocracy -- He is Member of ACW of A." (news article in Advance) [May 18, 1917] News story from the American labor press detailing the return to his homeland of radical Russian Jewish activist Max Goldfarb, better known to history by his later Comintern pseudonym of "A.J. Bennett." Goldfarb was brought to America in the summer of 1913 to lecture the Jewish Federation of the Socialist Party of America, the article notes, and was now returning to revolutionary Russia as part of a group of 20 to 30 expatriates at the expense of the Provisional Government. The article indicates that Goldfarb entered the revolutionary movement through the Bund in the town of Berdichev in 1902, that he emigrated in 1903 to study in Paris, and that he had returned during the 1905 revolution to fight for Russian freedom on behalf of the Bund. After the failure of the revolution, Goldfarb had served 3 months in prison, before going abroad as a delegate to the 5th Congress of the RSDLP in London in 1907. Goldfarb had returned to Russia, where he gave measured public lectures between 1910 and 1913, attempting for election to the Duma on behalf of the Bund. Goldfarb had been imprisoned once more at the end of 1912 before being sponsored in America as a speaker and organizer for the JSF and the American Clothing Workers of America.

 

"Jewish Socialist Federation Endorses Majority War Resolution: Calls for Expulsion of Russell, Walling, & Stokes -- To Establish Socialist Schools." [May 31, 1917] For 30 days after the closing of the St. Louis Convention, the Socialist Party's position towards the war in Europe was hotly debated in party ranks. After the raid on the headquarters of the Socialist Party of Indiana, the exposure of the treachery of Winfield Gaylord and Algie Simons, and a tidal wave of hostile writing by such worthies as C.E. Russell, William English Walling, and Graham Stokes in the capitalist press, the party closed ranks. This short item from the New York Call notes that the convention of the Jewish Socialist Federation held in New York from May 26 to 30 passed a resolution endorsing the St. Louis majority resolution on War and Militarism, and another calling for the expulsion of Charles E. Russell, William English Walling, and J.G. Phelps Stokes for their public endorsement of the Wilson regime's war work. Max Ludlow and J.B. Salutsky were nominated by the Convention for Secretary of the Federation, the story notes, with the final decision on the post to be determined by vote of the membership.

 

JULY 1918

"A Dream No Longer," by Abraham Cahan [July 13, 1918] Given his later vehement and vocal opposition to the regime in Soviet Russia and its American adherents, this article by renowned Yiddish Socialist editor Abraham Cahan rings ironic. "A statue of Karl Marx in the Kremlin! A monument to the father of the Socialist movement in the "holy of holies" of Russian darkness and Russian despotism! It sounds incredible, but it is true nevertheless. It is a gorgeous piece of historical reality.... What has been one of our golden dreams has become an inspiring reality. It seems to me that in view of that glorious monument to Marx which now stands in the Kremlin, the most bitter opponent of the Bolsheviki among our comrades should forget his former feeling and become inspired with affection and enthusiasm for them.... We have criticized them; some of their utterances often irritate us; but who can help rejoicing in their triumph? Who can help going into ecstacy over the Socialist spirit which they have enthroned in the country, which they now rule?"

 

"Membership Series by Language Federation for the Socialist Party of America: Dues Stamps Sold by Month -- January 1917 to March 1919." [compiled with footnotes by Tim Davenport] This document compiles and tallies complete dues information for 10 of the Socialist Party's 15 foreign language Federations as well as making use of incomplete statistics for the 5 others, drawing inferences from known statistics to fill in the blanks. It shows that far and away the largest Socialist Party Federation in the period was the Finnish, with a 1918 average membership in excess of 10,000; followed by the German (6150), Lithuanian (3,800), Jewish (nearly 3,800), and South Slavic (estimated at 2,300 in 1918 despite the disruption of having withdrawn from the party briefly in October over the question of the war). The figures show that in the 1st Quarter of 1919, the 15 language federations combined sold approximately 19,000 more dues stamps each month than they averaged during the previous year. This gain was not limited to the 7 federations summarily suspended by the National Executive Committee in May 1919, however, with the unsuspended Finnish Federation (+2,275), Jewish Federation (+2,450), German Federation (+1,800), Scandinavian Federation (+600), and Czech Federation (+450) accounting for nearly 40% of the total increase in the membership of the language groups in the period. The data shows a single gross dues anomaly among the suspended federations (March 1919 -- Ukrainian Federation) and potentially suspicious rates of growth in the 1st Quarter of 1919 in 2 others (Russian and Lithuanian). Dividing the sums of the Federation membership totals in the table into the known official paid memberships of the Socialist Party as a whole (1917 - 80,379; 1918 - 82,344; 1919-QI - 104,882) provides the information that an estimated 44.2% of SPA duespayers were members of foreign language federations in 1917, 45.8% in 1918, and 54.1% in the 1st Quarter of 1919.

AUGUST 1919

"Federation is Active Agent for Socialism: Presents Party Issues to Jewish-Speaking People Through Own Weekly Publication," by Joshua P. Landon [Aug. 31, 1919]  With seven of the foreign language federations of the Socialist Party abandoning the organization in favor of the Left Wing course the role of the these institutions in the SPA moving forward was a question of some debate. This short piece from the New York Call by a supporter of the Yiddish-language Jewish Socialist Federation details political developments in that group for a broader audience. Landon notes that after two days of debate the recently completed 1919 convention of the JSF had voted 74-35 to remain affiliated with the SPA rather than to cast their lot with the Left Wing Section. This decision had prompted a walkout by 29 delegates, led by Alexander Bittelman, who had established their own Left Wing federation. Those remaining retained close ties both to the Socialist Party and the Jewish labor movement, Landon indicates. The JSF maintained a steady stream of speakers in the field, Landon states, as well as publishing its own organ, Naye Welt, edited by J.B. Salutsky.

 

JUNE 1920

"Impressions of the Convention," by 'R. Newman'" [published June 22 & July 15, 1920]. An alternative account of the May 26-31, 1920, Bridgman Unity Convention that joined the Ruthenberg "minority" wing of the CPA with the CLP to establish the United Communist Party of America. The author, "R. Newman," was a left wing Jewish Federationist associated with the CPA caucus and he describes the proceedings from the perspective of the 10 member CPA "left" group. The consistency and radicalism of the program was of central concern to this group, which managed to have inserted explicit revolutionary clauses related to "mass action," "the dictatorship of the proletariat," and the necessity of armed force in the transition from capitalism. Ruthenberg is portrayed as caring more about jobs than matters of principle and his decision to resign from the CEC as soon as the delegates associated with the former CLP were won 5 of the 9 positions is cast as a blatantly hypocritical act. The CPA "left" group "were disappointed with the leaders of the party, with their conduct. They were indignant about Damon [Ruthenberg], who used his position to force his demands on the convention," "Newman" states. This document originally appeared in the Yiddish language edition of the UCP's official organ and was translated in the Sept. 1, 1920, edition of the CPA "majority" group's official organ as a means of undercutting the interpretations of Ruthenberg and Ferguson of the convention.

 

"United Communist Party -- "Groups" According to Language: As of December 1920." This is based upon an internal document of the United Communist Party captured by the Department of Justice's Bureau of Investigation in the April 1921 raid on UCP National Headquarters in New York. The UCP prided itself on having largely eliminated the federation-based form of organization which typified its rival, the Communist Party of America. Groups (Primary Party Units of between 5 and 10 members) were nevertheless based around language as well as geography and statistics tabulated by the organization. This snapshot from the midpoint of the UCP's one year of existence surprisingly shows more South Slavic (Croatian and Slovenian) language groups than any other (144), followed by the Russian (136), English (121), German (61), Latvian (49), Yiddish (37), Lithuanian (34), and Finnish (31) language groups.

 

MAY 1921

"CPA Condensed Cash Statement, Feb. to May 1921, Including Federations, But Not Including Payments to and from the National Office and the Federations: Presented to the Joint Unity Convention, Woodstock, NY - May 15, 1921." This is a very esoteric budget document, but specialists in the history of the early American Communist movement will probably immediately recognize its import. For me, at least, this document has led to a fundamental rethinking about the nature of the old CPA, for it shows that the organization truly was a "federation of federations." Five of the old CPA's 6 Language Federations possessed assets at least twice the size of the National Office of the organization. The same 5 possessed printing plant in excess of the National Office. Three of them retained substantial real estate holdings. Three of them spent more money than the National Office on literature production, and a fourth spent approximately the same amount as the National Office. These were clearly fully functioning political organizations in their own right, not tiny social groups of members speaking a common language. It is little wonder that the "Federation Issue" stood so large on the landscape as the primary issue impeding merger efforts between the UCP and the old CPA for so long and fueling the Central Caucus split that erupted in late November of 1921.

 

SEPTEMBER 1921

"Jewish Group in Party Will Convene Today: Federation, 500 Weak Now, Thought Certain to be Destroyed, No Matter What Action is Taken: Once Numbered 5,000: Organized as Autonomous Body in 1912, Its Officials Have Fought Party Since Albany Trial." (NY Call) [Sept. 3, 1921] From Sept. 3-5, 1921, a special convention of the Jewish Socialist Federation was held to decide the question of that organization's future affiliation with the Socialist Party of America. The Executive Committee of the JSF sought to sever ties with the parent organization, in favor of some sort of affiliation with the Third International -- although there was very little support remaining within the Federation for the underground tactics of the CPA (the Left Wing of the organization having already departed in 1919-20). This is the first of 4 reports in the Socialist Party's New York daily detailing the proceedings of the JSF special convention. The loss of the JSF is seen as a foredrawn conclusion by the reporter, who notes that with the 1921 convention "an important chapter in the Socialist movement comes to a close." The importance of this change is minimized, the unnamed reporter noting that from a peak membership of 5,000 to 6,000, the JSF had fallen to barely 500 dues-paying members. The history of the Jewish Federation is detailed here, from the organization of the "Jewish Agitation Bureau" by Benjamin Feigenbaum, Meyer Gillis, Max Kaufman, and others in 1908; to full Federation status in 1912. The Federation's turn to a "nationalistic viewpoint" is blamed on Max Goldfarb ["A.J. Bennett"], a former member of the Bund who returned to Soviet Russia in 1917. The decisive turning point is said to have occurred in 1920, with the trial of the 5 Socialist Assemblymen by the New York Legislature, an event which was denounced as obsequious parliamentarism by the Left Wing of the JSF, headed by Jacob Salutsky.

 

"Jewish Group Seats Enemies of Party Unity: Loyal Delegates Beaten in Every Fight Against Executive Committee -- Move for Split: Kahn Flays Bolters: Some Leaders Charged at Opening of Federation Congress with Being Supporters of World War." (NY Call) [Sept. 4, 1921] This is the 2nd of 4 reports in the Socialist Party's New York daily detailing the proceedings of the JSF special convention, called to determine the JSF's future relationship to the Socialist Party of America. In this unsigned article, it is intimated that the secessionists had successfully won control of the convention at the first day's sessions, as in the evening "the Credentials Committee and the Convention was seating every contested delegate who had expressed a desire to see the Federation withdraw from the party and unseating every contested delegate who was loyal to the party." Two slates had vied for seats on the Credentials Committee, with the Left Wing supporters of the Executive Committee defeating slate of the the insurgent party loyalists by about 40 to 25, with all delegates -- even those under challenge -- permitted to vote. "At the time of going to press the loyal party delegates were still fighting every anti-party delegate, but, realizing that, with the contesting delegates voting on their own cases, and with a Central Office eager for the withdrawal plan, it was hopeless to expect to carry the convention," the reporter indicates, adding that the decision on affiliation was the sole item on the agenda of the special convention. Otto Branstetter had previously addressed the convention on behalf of the National Office of the SPA, stating: "There is no other party in the world in any of the great countries that stood so true to international Socialism as did our party. In other countries, minorities stood straight. In America, the official position of the party was straight. What have the Communists done? They went out of the party; they said they were going to organize the workers and make the revolution, but to date they have done nothing except to weaken the Socialist Party. And much as they want all the honor for this, they must divide that honor with the American Legion, with the Department of Justice, and with the Chambers of Commerce."

 

"Loyal Jewish Socialists Quit Seceding Body: Federation Convention Votes, 41 to 34, to Leave Party -- New Group is Immediately Organized...: Bigger and More Active Movement Promised by Those Who Refuse to Bolt Organization." (NY Call) [Sept. 5, 1921] This is the 3rd of 4 reports in the Socialist Party's New York daily detailing the proceedings of the JSF special convention, called to determine the JSF's future relationship to the Socialist Party of America. This installment notes the result of the final vote on affiliation after 6 hours of debate on Sept. 4, won by the withdrawal forces over the SP loyalists, 41 to 34. The main speech for the secessionists was delivered by Jacob Salutsky, while Nathan Chain of the United Hebrew Trades made the opening speech for the loyalists. Upon the decision, the 34 loyalists bolted the convention, meeting in another room of Forward Hall. Speeches were made to the loyalists assembled by Jacob Panken; J. Baskin (General Secretary of the Workmen's Circle), Alexander Kahn of the Forward, and SPA Executive Secretary Otto Branstetter. A committee of 9 was elected to draw up plans for the Jewish Federation loyalists, to report back on the ensuing day.

 

"New Alliance is Created by Jewish Group: Loyal Socialists Organize in Opposition to Seceding Federation with Endorsement of Labor Unions...: United Hebrew Trades Secretary Assures Delegates of Support in Movement for Strong Party." (NY Call) [Sept. 6, 1921] This is the 4th of 4 reports in the Socialist Party's New York daily detailing the proceedings of the JSF special convention, called to determine the JSF's future relationship to the Socialist Party of America. This installment reports the formation of the Jewish Socialist Alliance (Verbund) of the Socialist Party by the bolting minority delegates. Nathan Chanin was elected General Secretary of the new organization. Meanwhile, the JSF majority voted 43 to 3 to affiliate with the Communist International, despite their misgivings about the institutionalized underground tactics of the Communist Party of America. The organization prepared for a period of independence, setting its dues at 50 cents per month. (The secessionist JSF soon merged with the "Committee for the 3rd International" in the SP to establish itself as the Workers' Council).

 

"Can We Work for Socialism Outside the Socialist Party?" by William M. Feigenbaum [Sept. 9, 1921] In this article published in the Socialist Party's New York daily, journals William Feigenbaum -- son of one of the fathers of the Yiddish language Federation of the SPA -- takes aim at the Communists for disrupting the cause of Socialism in America, exemplified by their behavior at the recently completed special convention of the Jewish Socialist Federation. Feigenbaum questions the motives of the Left Wing of the JSF in waiting so long to break with the national Socialist Party, seeing in the delay an effort "to do as much damage to the Socialist Party as they could in their withdrawal." Feigenbaum thus characterizes the Left Wing of the Federation as "wreckers and disrupters" whose work, "together with the work of the Ku Klux and the American Legion, had borne fruit." Feigenbaum contends that the 2 years of Communist independent action had been an abysmal failure: "Not a single new member was gained, but more than nine-tenths of the old went out. Not a stroke of organization work has been done, except to throw a few manifestos from elevated trains and roofs. Instead of sections of a united party, the few hundred remaining men are two angrily quarreling 'parties,' periodically 'uniting,' and then splitting again." Feigenbaum argues that this was a necessary result of the fact that the "Communist movement was born as a negative drive against the Socialist Party, rather than as a positive movement for some ideal or some method of organization." Instead, Feigenbaum declares that despite its various "faults and shortcomings, the only work for Socialism of any consequence that has been done within the past 2 years since the 'new' methods were evolved, is the direct result of the Socialist Party's work." Feigenbaum insists: "Those who want to see Socialism grow can work for Socialism. Let all others get out of the way."

 

"Cahan Says the Forward Supports the Party: Editor of Great Jewish Daily, Back from Europe, Declares Seceders Will be Fought -- Praises Germans and Scores Communists Abroad," by William M. Feigenbaum [Sept. 11, 1921] On Sept. 11, 1921, the powerful and widely respected editor of the Jewish Daily Forward, Abraham Cahan, returned to America after a 14 week stay in Europe, centered in Berlin. There Cahan had exchanged views with a wide range of leaders of the European Socialist movement, including representatives of the Soviet government. Upon his return, Cahan was met at the docks by about 75 prominent Jewish-American leaders, who sat together in a luncheon at the Hotel Brevoort in New York. In his address to the gathering, Cahan declared in no uncertain terms that "no man can write against the Socialist Party and remain on the Forward... I am sorry that we must lose some of our best people,but if they are against the party, that settles it. No one who is against the party can be on the Forward. The Forward was established for the party, not the party for the Forward. Some of the intellectuals want the Third International. For an American to speak of the Third International is a sign of absolute idiocy -- if not of a police spy. In Europe, people know that the Third International is an absolute failure. It is a joke. Lenin would like to get rid of it if he could. No one takes it seriously any more. The Third International has done 1,000 times more damage to the Socialist movement than good." Cahan noted the vitality of the Social Democratic Party in Germany and stated that "the Communist there amount to nothing.... The leading Communist members of the Soviet government that I spoke to admit that the whole Communist movement, and the hope of a world revolution, on which the Communist International is based, is done for."

 

"Minutes of the Meeting of the Central Executive Committee of the Workers Party of America: New York City -- Oct. 31, 1922." Minutes of the governing CEC of the Workers Party of America. The CEC steps in to mediate the bitter factional division within the WPA's Yiddish-language Section, mandating a convention of the Federation in the first week of January 1923 (immediately following the national convention of the WPA) and establishing a 10 member "Convention Committee" (5 each from the Olgin-Workers Council faction and the Bittelman-JCF faction). This Convention Committee was to supplant the Federation's bureau, which had shifted from parity to an 11-7 division in favor of the Olgin faction and created at atmosphere in which a split seemed imminent. The CEC also endorsed the concept of formation of a Labor Party, in which the WPA was to play a part as a constituent member, and determining to seek admittance in the Conference for Progressive Political Action in advancing this cause. The CEC also discussed at length C.E. Ruthenberg's published reply to articles written by J.B. Salutsky and Ludwig Lore, endorsing Ruthenberg's position and declaring publication of Ruthenberg's article in The Liberator and the Volkszeitung effectively ended the discussion.

"Minutes of the Meeting of the Administrative Council of the Workers Party of America: New York City -- Nov. 8, 1922." Due to the failure of the Olgin-JSF-Workers Council faction to submit to party discipline and accept the dissolution of the Jewish Federation Bureau in favor of a 10 member "Convention Committee" of factional parity. This prompted the Administrative Council (the Executive Committee of the CEC) to pass a lengthy resolution unilaterally naming this 10 member committee, setting a convention of the Jewish Federation for Jan. 1923, and setting Nov. 13, 1923, as the date for the first meeting of this Convention Committee -- the meeting to be chaired by WPA Executive Secretary Ruthenberg. "The Administrative Council particularly appeals to the Jewish Branches not to permit their Federation to be disrupted by the action of one group in the Bureau, but to show their loyalty to the Party and the working class movement by carrying out the decision of the CEC. The slogan of the Jewish comrades must be 'No Disruption -- Let the convention of the Federation called by the CEC decide,'" the Administrative Council's resolution declares.

"Letter to the Bureau of the Jewish Federation, CPA from Abram Jakira, Secretary of the CPA, Nov. 13, 1922." This letter from the head of the underground CPA, Abram Jakira, emphasizes that not every individual coming from Moscow to work in the Communist Party of America bore the Comintern's cachet. "Comrade Arkadieff" [Shachno Epstein] had written to Jakira complaining that he had been excluded from sessions the Central Executive Committee of the party and shunted aside. Instead, he apparently represented himself as a Comintern plenipotentiary in charge of the Jewish Federation. Jakira makes Epstein's status clear to the Jewish Bureau under which he worked in no uncertain terms: "Com. Arkadieff [Epstein] declares that the Executive of the CI sent him for work in America. That is quite true. But thereupon he draws incorrect and unsupported conclusions. He believes that he is not under the discipline of the American party. That is sheerest nonsense. No one can work in the CP of A without being 100 percent under the discipline of the CEC. That a member of the CP of Russia was sent by way of the CI to work in the CP of A does not in the least denote that he is a representative of the CI, or has anything to do with the CI." Jakira seeks to put an end to the "foolish legend" that Epstein had an sort of mission to perform for the Comintern and to place him under CPA discipline. "Please inform Com. Arkadieff [Epstein] that he either must work under the discipline of the Party or there will be no room for him in the American Party," Jakira warns.

DECEMBER 1922

"Administrative Council Outlines Negotiations with Jewish Bureau, States Present Position: Letter of C.E. Ruthenberg to Louis F. Wolf, Dec. 1, 1922." [Published Dec. 16, 1922] An extremely valuable primary source document, a letter by WPA Executive Secretary C.E. Ruthenberg to Louis Wolf, Executive Secretary of the WPA's German section, recounting the crisis in the Jewish section of the WPA in close detail. A day-by-day review of the meetings of November 17-23, 1922, held between Ruthenberg (representing the Administrative Council of the WPA) and various representatives of the Jewish Bureau is provided, including the specific demands of the CEC -- 50 percent ownership of the Olgin-edited Freiheit, a specific system for election of delegates to the Dec. 16 national conference of the Jewish section, and reestablishment of a 50-50 division of the Jewish Bureau between the Olgin and Bittelman factions. Ruthenberg interestingly notes that the split of the Bureau was negotiated away by the Administrative Council, but the Jewish Bureau insisted on additional concessions, which eliminated the Administrative Council's concession as the two sides moved to impasse.

 

"Cable to the Workers Party of America in New York from Grigorii Zinoviev in Moscow, December 1922." In 1922 the Jewish Federation of the Workers Party of America was racked by an internal split, pitting the historic leadership of the Jewish Federation dating back to Socialist Party days, headed by Alexander Bittelman against the Jewish component of the Workers' Council group, headed by Moissaye Olgin. The Federation Executive Committee was initially divided down the middle between these two factions, but over the course of 1922, several members of the Federation Executive Committee began to vote with the Olgin faction, resulting in a working majority for the militantly anti-underground Olgin group. Although the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party insisted upon parity on the Federation Executive Committee prior to the WPA Jewish Federation's 2nd Convention, the Olgin group sought to consolidate its position by calling a convention of the Jewish Federation for the first half of December, prior to the 2nd Convention of the WPA -- intent on presenting the national organization with a fait accompli. This is a cable from Moscow signed by Zinoviev condemning the antics of the Olgin group as a "frivolous breach of discipline" against the Administrative Council of the Workers Party "perpetrated by [a] group which did not even attempt inform its representatives in Moscow" about the object of their conflict and "did not await decision of court of last resort as was their right as well as their duty." Using this cable as additional ammunition, an agreement was brokered between the two factions of the Jewish organization prior to the scheduled Dec. 16, 1922, start of the wildcat convention.

 

"Comrades of the Jewish Federation! Stand by the Party! Statement by the Central Exeuctive Committe of the Workers Party, Published Dec. 9, 1922." In 1922 the Jewish Federation of the Workers Party of America was racked by an internal split, pitting the historic leadership of the Jewish Federation dating back to Socialist Party days, headed by Alexander Bittelman against the Jewish component of the Workers' Council group, headed by Moissaye Olgin. The Federation Executive Committee was initially divided down the middle between these two factions, but over the course of 1922, several members of the Federation Executive Committee began to vote with the Olgin faction, resulting in a working majority for the militantly anti-underground Olgin group. Although the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party insisted upon parity on the Federation Executive Committee prior to the WPA Jewish Federation's 2nd Convention, the Olgin group sought to consolidate its position by calling a convention of the Jewish Federation for the first half of December, prior to the 2nd Convention of the WPA -- intent on presenting the national organization with a fait accompli. This was regarded as a severe breach of party discipline, bringing this fierce rebuke of the Olgin faction as non-Communist "centrists" intent upon splitting the Jewish Federation.

 

"All Party Federations Condemn Breach of Discipline by Jewish Federation Bureau." [Published Dec. 16, 1922] In December 1922 a full-scale factional war erupted in the Jewish Language Section of the Workers Party of America, pitting the Workers' Council group, led by Moissaye J. Olgin, against the Jewish Federation of the unified CPA, headed by Alexander Bittelman. The Olgin group sought to consolidate its position by rushing a convention in December 1922, to be held before the 2nd National Convention of the WPA rather than after, and in this manner to present the national organization with a fait accompli. This decision came in opposition to the decision of the Central Executive Committee of the WPA. This is the text of a resolution signed by representatives of all the WPA's other Language Sections condemning the position of the Olgin group-dominated Jewish Federation Bureau and endorsing the position of the CEC, which called for a Jewish Bureau evenly divided between the Workers' Council-Olgin and Jewish Communist Federation-Bittelman factions.

 

"Jewish Federation United: Statement to the Party by the Administrative Council." [Published Dec. 30, 1922] Facing the possibility of a split of the Workers Party's Jewish Federation, emergency negotiations were conducted between the Bureau of the Federation and the Administrative Council of the WPA, resulting in the agreement summarized here. The forthcoming Dec. 16, 1922, Convention of the Jewish Federation was recognized as official, the membership of the new Federation Bureau was to be evenly split between the historic Jewish Socialist Federation faction (Bittelman group) and the historic Workers' Council faction (Olgin group) with an additional member to be named by the CEC of the WPA, ownership of the official organ of the Jewish Federation was to be transferred to the CEC of the WPA as soon as one other daily and weekly were transferred by other WPA Federations, and the new Bureau was to agree to submit to the discipline of the CEC of the WPA, with only violation of party principles and discipline to be grounds for removal from that body.

 

No Specific Month

"Membership Series by Language Federation for the Workers Party of America. 'Dues Actually Paid' -- January to December 1923." Official 1923 data set of the Workers Party of America, compiled from a document in the Comintern Archive. This series shows a great numerical dominance of the WPA by its Finnish Federation, accounting for a massive 42.8% of the average monthly paid membership of the organization (6,583 of 15,395). The total of the English language branches is the 2nd strongest amongst the federations (7.6%) followed by the South Slavic (7.5%), Jewish [Yiddish language] (6.9%), and Lithuanian (6.0%) Federations. In all, there were statistics kept for 18 different language groups of the WPA in 1923, including the English and the barely organized Armenian sections.

 

"Initiation Stamps Sold by Federation for the Workers Party of America. January to December 1923." Official 1923 data set of the Workers Party of America, compiled from a document in the Comintern Archive. This series once again (repeating the previous published 1924 series) shows a schizophrenic pattern of stamp sales among language groups . Some federations clearly did not collect the initiation fees called for in the WPA constitution at all (Jewish, German, Latvian) while at the same time the quantities sold via the English branches are ridiculously high. Over 53% of the initiation stamps sold for the entire WPA were credited to the English branches -- nearly three times as many initiations than there were average duespayers in those English branches! Even assuming a significantly higher than average "membership churn" rate for English branches, there is clearly some other unexplained phenomenon at play in these English branch initiation stamp sale figures...

 

MAY 1923

"Report of the Jewish Alliance: Delivered to the National Convention of the Socialist Party, New York -- May 19-22, 1923," by Alexander Kahn This is the report of the Jewish Socialist Verband (JSV) to the 1923 annual convention of the Socialist Party. Kahn reports that the former Jewish Socialist Federation had fallen into the hands of "a group which was not sincere enough to withstand the crisis in the Socialist Party, and not foolish nor mad enough to join the Communists." The national office of the Federation, official organ, and membership rolls had been lost and the JSV forced to organize from scratch. The group seceding from the SP had attempted to win control of the Jewish Daily Forward, the Jewish trade union movement, and the Workmen's Circle as well, Kahn notes, but had been turned back in their efforts. The JSV had established its own organ, Der Wecker, and its ranks had grown from 250 to about 800 in the subsequent 2 years. Kahn likens the disproportionately strong influence of the JSV to the influence of the Independent Labour Party in Great Britain: "As compared to the rest of the movement the membership is small. But nothing is done in the Jewish labor movement without the cooperation or leadership of the Verband."

 

"Problems of the Party (IV): Be American!" by John Pepper [May 26, 1923] In the 4th installment of his "Problems of the Party" series, party leader John Pepper analyzes the continued division of the Workers Party of America into a multiplicity of Language Federations, noting that not only the spoken language varies from group to group, "but often the ideology." He notes that "Our Russian comrades have a different historical tradition from the Italians, the Germans from the Poles. The workers belonging to various nationalities are still very deeply rooted in the social and political conditions of their old countries." Main issues of concern differed from group to group, as did their practical activity: "Our Italian comrades arrange a collection for the persecuted Communists of Italy, our German comrades send relief for the hungry children of German Communists. Our Hungarian comrades put forth great efforts to collect money for political prisoners suffering in Horthy's prisons. Our Polish comrades have made a collection for the support of the Communist election campaign in Poland. Our Ukrainian comrades collect money for the support of the Ukrainian publishing activities in Europe. Our Russian comrades are of course with heart and soul interested in relief of Soviet Russia. Our Jewish comrades collect money for needy Jewish workers in the Ukraine." Very often non-citizens and alienated from American political life, the Federations tended to retreat into their own "Ghettos," Pepper states. Political education and political activity had to be directed towards bringing the foreign-born majority of the WPA membership into the real American political struggle. To this end, Pepper puts forward the slogan "Be American!" -- a slogan which he says "means to struggle against the whole capitalist class of America; it means the hardest struggle against 100 percent nationalism of the jingoes. Be American means for the militant Communist to present the claim for the workers' rule of America."

 

 

"Membership Series by Language Federation for the Workers Party of America. 'Dues Actually Paid' -- January to December 1924." Official 1924 data set of the Workers Party of America, compiled from a document in the Comintern Archive. This shows a continued numerical dominance of the Workers Party of America by its Finnish-language federation, averaging a paid membership of 7100 (41% of the entire organization) for the year 1924. Impressive growth is shown by the Yiddish-language ("Jewish") federation, which moved to the third largest language group in the WPA in 1924. The English branches comprised the second largest language group in the WPA, but still remained just 11% of the overall organization. The South Slavic federation (predominately Slovenian and Croation) was the 4th largest language group in the WPA, topping the Russian, Lithuanian, and Ukrainian federations.

 

"Initiation Stamps Sold by Federation for the Workers Party of America. January to December 1924." Official 1924 data set of the Workers Party of America, compiled from a document in the Comintern Archive. An extremely interesting monthly series in which two unexplained anomalies are apparent: (1) The failure of at least 8 of the WPA's 18 language sections to make more than a token effort to collect the $1 initiation fee and obvious similar behavior (to lesser degree) among branches of other language groups; (2) A preposterously large sale of 5,264 initiation stamps to "English" branches, which averaged a paid membership of just 1909 over the course of the year. Either there was a revolving door in the English branches that was entirely dissimilar to the situation in any other language group of the WPA; or there was some sort of effort to collect initiation fees among "English" workers without organizational follow up; or there was some sort of strange accounting practice used by the WPA in which miscellaneous sales of initiation stamps were lumped into the "English" category (or some combination of these explanations). A perplexing question in raised, with further archival research clearly necessary.

 

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