"Claude MacKay Describes His Own Life: A Negro Poet," by Claude MacKay [Sept. 1918] Jamaican-born black American poet Claude MacKay offers this brief autobiography to the readers of Pearson's Magazine, detailing his origins and his journey to America. The grandson of slaves and son of a free-born agrarian, MacKay was raised by an older brother, a teacher, who instilled a love of classical literature in him at a young age. MacKay trekked to America in 1912 to study agriculture at Tuskegee University, coming face to face with virulent Southern American racism for the first time. Not finding the quasi-military structure of Tuskegee to his liking, MacKay left for two years of study at Kansas State, before moving to New York City, where he briefly and unsuccessfully ran a restaurant with a friend. MacKay married, but after 6 months his wife went home to Jamaica, while MacKay remained in New York City, working a series of service industry jobs and writing poetry. The article includes 5 of MacKay's poems from his early New York period, including the provocative and aggressive anti-racist verses of "To the White Friends."

 

"The 'Reds' in Congress: Preliminary Report of the 1st World Congress of the Red International of Trade and Industrial Unions," by J.T. Murphy [events of July 3-19, 1921] Full text of a pamphlet published in England by delegate to founding convention of the Profintern J.T. Murphy. Murphy gives an extensive first- hand account of the proceedings, a gathering of 342 delegates opened by A. Lozovsky in the Hall of Columns in Moscow. The gathering discussed at length the question of trade union tactics (parallel organization v. "boring from within"), heard a lengthy report by Edvard Varga on the world economic crisis, and dealt with the relationship of the Profintern to the Comintern. This latter matter turned out to be one of the most hotly contested of the Congress, with a syndicalist minority headed by Williams (IWW), Bartels (German Free Unions), T. Barker (Argentina), Mater (German Seamen), Arlandis (Spain), and Sirole (France) attempting to make a case for a fully independent trade union international. The syndicalists were handily defeated by the Communists and their supporters, however, with the vote on the main question of a close relationship being approved by a margin of 285 to 35. A statement pledging the support of RILU in spite of loss on the question (reproduced here) was thereafter signed by 8 members of the defeated syndicalist tendency and presented to the congress, its signatories including Andrés Nin of Spain, George Andreychine of the American IWW, and Tom Mann of England. The Profintern Congress also approved a 17 point program of action, included in the text of this pamphlet.

 

"The Strength of American Socialism," by James Oneal [Aug. 7, 1921] New York party leader James Oneal attempts to make the case that "the comparatively small increase of the Socialist vote cast in 1920" is in no way indicative of a decline in the prestige, power, and organization of the Socialist Party. While acknowledging that the SP had been left with a "wreck of an organization" by the "coercion and persecution" of the Wilson administration and Right Wing elements around the country. Nevertheless, wherever the party had been able to maintain its presence, its vote totals had increased in 1920, Oneal states. Oneal is optimistic about the party's prospects, noting that for the first time since 1893, an insurgent movement had developed in the ranks of American labor seeking independent working class political action, taking the form of the Farmer-Labor Party, while in the Upper Midwest a radical agrarian movement had emerged under the banner of the Non-Partisan League. Illusions had been smashed by the imperialist outcome of the world war and cynicism had become rampant. Oneal likens the Socialist Party's current moment to the 15 year period prior to the Civil War during which abolitionist forces consolidated themselves from various tributaries into the radical 3rd Party known as the Republican Party, which was soon swept to power. Oneal is upbeat: "I have no fears as to the future of the Socialist movement in this country. In fact, a close study of many financial journals for the past year convinces me that the "best minds" of the present social order are much more puzzled about the future of capitalism. The whole world drifts, the statesmen and financiers known not where. They hope for the best and yet are possessed with fear. The old order seethes with economic contradictions which they are unable to solve."

 

"Is Hoover Bringing Russia Food or Reaction?" by A.C. Freeman [Aug. 7, 1921] This article in the weekly magazine section of the New York Call questions Herbert Hoover's recent announcement that the American Relief Administration would begin work feeding starving children in Soviet Russia. Freeman notes that the previous policy of Hoover's ARA had been "millions for counterrevolutionary emigrés, but not one cent for the starving children of Soviet Russia" and that Hoover is said to have boasted that he "never fed a Red." While acknowledging that Hoover might actually possess "an altogether unsuspected quality of humanity in his character," Freeman notes the recent comments of Hoover's "henchman" T.T.G. Gregory in The World's Work magazine in which Gregory indicates that "acting under Hoover's orders and with his full approval, he utilized his position as controller of the food supplies of Central Europe in order to carry on active intrigues for the overthrow of the Hungarian Soviet government." Freeman charges that "the preservation of millions of human beings from death by disease or starvation was only an incidental and comparatively unimportant item in Mr. Hoover's fundamental scheme of throwing back the red wave. And, in order to realize this scheme, he was just as willing to starve the children of Russian and Hungary as he was to feed the children of Poland and Austria." Freeman relates Gregory's tale of swindling the Hungarian Soviet government out of a payment of $1 million for foodstuffs to feed the starving. Freeman asks: "Is Mr. Hoover trying to bring about in Russia the same counterrevolution and White Terror which he succeeded in bringing about in Hungary? His whole record, considered in connection with the present situation in Russia, would seem to point to this conclusion."

 

"Legion Mob Kidnaps Mrs. Hazlett in Iowa: Banker's Son, Who is Local Commander, Leads Gang That Seizes Socialist Speaker, and Drives Her 20 Miles in Country and Back -- Mayor Refuses Protection." (NY Call) [event of Aug. 11, 1921] News account briefly detailing the kidnapping of Socialist Party organizer Ida Crouch Hazlett by a car full of ultra-nationalist American Legion thugs when the party founder was attempting to speak in the little town of Shenandoah, Iowa. Hazlett was pulled down from the automobile from which she was speaking and thrust into a waiting car, which drove away at high speed. The 8 Right Wing goons menaced Hazlett, instructing her not to speak any more in Shenandoah; Hazlett boldly refused to agree. Eventually, the kidnappers thought better of their action and turned around, returning Hazlett to her hotel unharmed. Hazlett immediately complained to the authorities, who refused to either arrest her kidnappers or promise her future protection. The Aug. 11 kidnapping was the 5th in a series of abuses against Hazlett by the American Legion, which had previously systematically harassed at Newton, Des Moines, and Boone. ""The state of Iowa is in the hands of an American Legion mob of kids," Hazlett declared.

 

"Volkszeitung Recovers Its Mailing Rights: Hays, in Announcing Restoration of Paper's Status, Declares Post Office Censorship is Gone...: All Papers Carried in Mails at All are Entitled to Second-Class Rights, is Postmaster's View," by Laurence Todd [event of Aug. 14, 1921] With the coming to power of the Warren Harding administration, the draconian anti-libertarian policies of the Wilson regime came under new scrutiny. Subject to particular liberalization was the application of statute by the post office department, with new Postmaster General Will Hays reconsidering the Burleson policy of the mass voiding of 2nd Class mailing privileges of the opposition press. On Aug. 14, 1921, the 2nd Class mailing privilege of the Marxist New Yorker Volkszeitung was restored, with Postmaster General Hays issuing an extensive statement reflecting upon the official change of policy (reproduced in full here). While noting statutory prohibition of certain matter from the mails, Hays states: "I want again to call the attention of the publishers to the fact that I am not, and will not allow myself to be made, a censor of the press. I believe that any publication that is entitled to use of the mails at all is entitled to the 2nd Class privileges, provided that it meets the requirements of the law for 2nd Class matter.... I will at all times act with moderation and consideration for the freedom of the press, but I must and will enforce in good faith, without evoking technicalities..." Solicitor Edwards echoed these views, telling Laurence Todd of the Federated Press that "It is not our purpose or duty to advocate or oppose any school of political though so long as it does not violate any existing law interpreted liberally to permit mailability."

 

"Mrs. Hazlett to Sue Ringleader of Legion Mob: $20,000 Damage Action to Be Brought Against Son of Banker Who Kidnapped Her." (NY Call) [event of Aug. 16, 1921] Having received no satisfaction with the partisan application of criminal law in the small town of Shenandoah, Iowa, Socialist Party organizer Ida Crouch Hazlett took her kidnapping by American Legion thugs to civil court for remedy, announcing that a $20,000 lawsuit was being launched against the ringleader of the crime for having violated her civil rights. In announcing her intention to bring suit, Hazlett revealed additional details of her kidnapping, charging that alleged ringleader Thomas Murphy had raised his hand to strike her and that she had boldly averted injury by challenging the 8 Legionnaires to go the full measure and to kill her. "Riding down the road at terrific speed," Hazlett recounted, "I suggested that they kill me. I pictured my body hacked to pieces and scattered along the road. I implied that it would certainly add to the sweet memories of their mothers. Then I switched the picture. I suggested the possibility that the car might be wrecked and all of us killed. Their mothers would not like to see that, would then? That twist changed their minds. And when I suggested that the only thing to do was to turn back, they simply had to obey."

 

"W.J. Burns Named Director of Federal Secret Service: Will Head All US Detective Agencies Under Reorganization -- Flynn Has Not Yet Resigned - Successor Was First Sleuth to Carve Career From Class Struggle." (NY Call) [event of Aug. 18, 1921] This news account in the Socialist Party daily, the New York Call, announces the appointment of veteran labor spy and detective agency chief William J. Burns as Director of the Department of Justice's Bureau of Investigation, forerunner of the FBI. Burns, who was replacing William J. Flynn in the post, is said to have been a fellow resident of Columbus, Ohio, and long-time friend of the new Attorney General of the Harding administration, Harry Daugherty. The career of Burns is briefly recounted here, including his growing up the son of the police commissioner of Columbus and work there as a local detective, his joining of the Secret Service in 1889 and promotion to the Washington, DC office 5 years later, his founding of the Burns Detective Agency, and his greatest professional coup, the conviction of the MacNamara brothers in the bloody bombing of the Los Angeles Times building in 1911. Burns and his company had lately been intimately connected to the financial giant J.P. Morgan & Co., providing intelligence and protection, the article states.

 

"Jewish Group in Party Will Convene Today: Federation, 500 Weak Now, Thought Certain to be Destroyed, No Matter What Action is Taken: Once Numbered 5,000: Organized as Autonomous Body in 1912, Its Officials Have Fought Party Since Albany Trial." (NY Call) [Sept. 3, 1921] From Sept. 3-5, 1921, a special convention of the Jewish Socialist Federation was held to decide the question of that organization's future affiliation with the Socialist Party of America. The Executive Committee of the JSF sought to sever ties with the parent organization, in favor of some sort of affiliation with the Third International -- although there was very little support remaining within the Federation for the underground tactics of the CPA (the Left Wing of the organization having already departed in 1919-20). This is the first of 4 reports in the Socialist Party's New York daily detailing the proceedings of the JSF special convention. The loss of the JSF is seen as a foredrawn conclusion by the reporter, who notes that with the 1921 convention "an important chapter in the Socialist movement comes to a close." The importance of this change is minimized, the unnamed reporter noting that from a peak membership of 5,000 to 6,000, the JSF had fallen to barely 500 dues-paying members. The history of the Jewish Federation is detailed here, from the organization of the "Jewish Agitation Bureau" by Benjamin Feigenbaum, Meyer Gillis, Max Kaufman, and others in 1908; to full Federation status in 1912. The Federation's turn to a "nationalistic viewpoint" is blamed on Max Goldfarb ["A.J. Bennett"], a former member of the Bund who returned to Soviet Russia in 1917. The decisive turning point is said to have occurred in 1920, with the trial of the 5 Socialist Assemblymen by the New York Legislature, an event which was denounced as obsequious parliamentarism by the Left Wing of the JSF, headed by Jacob Salutsky.

 

"Jewish Group Seats Enemies of Party Unity: Loyal Delegates Beaten in Every Fight Against Executive Committee -- Move for Split: Kahn Flays Bolters: Some Leaders Charged at Opening of Federation Congress with Being Supporters of World War." (NY Call) [Sept. 4, 1921] This is the 2nd of 4 reports in the Socialist Party's New York daily detailing the proceedings of the JSF special convention, called to determine the JSF's future relationship to the Socialist Party of America. In this unsigned article, it is intimated that the secessionists had successfully won control of the convention at the first day's sessions, as in the evening "the Credentials Committee and the Convention was seating every contested delegate who had expressed a desire to see the Federation withdraw from the party and unseating every contested delegate who was loyal to the party." Two slates had vied for seats on the Credentials Committee, with the Left Wing supporters of the Executive Committee defeating slate of the the insurgent party loyalists by about 40 to 25, with all delegates -- even those under challenge -- permitted to vote. "At the time of going to press the loyal party delegates were still fighting every anti-party delegate, but, realizing that, with the contesting delegates voting on their own cases, and with a Central Office eager for the withdrawal plan, it was hopeless to expect to carry the convention," the reporter indicates, adding that the decision on affiliation was the sole item on the agenda of the special convention. Otto Branstetter had previously addressed the convention on behalf of the National Office of the SPA, stating: "There is no other party in the world in any of the great countries that stood so true to international Socialism as did our party. In other countries, minorities stood straight. In America, the official position of the party was straight. What have the Communists done? They went out of the party; they said they were going to organize the workers and make the revolution, but to date they have done nothing except to weaken the Socialist Party. And much as they want all the honor for this, they must divide that honor with the American Legion, with the Department of Justice, and with the Chambers of Commerce."

 

"Loyal Jewish Socialists Quit Seceding Body: Federation Convention Votes, 41 to 34, to Leave Party -- New Group is Immediately Organized...: Bigger and More Active Movement Promised by Those Who Refuse to Bolt Organization." (NY Call) [Sept. 5, 1921] This is the 3rd of 4 reports in the Socialist Party's New York daily detailing the proceedings of the JSF special convention, called to determine the JSF's future relationship to the Socialist Party of America. This installment notes the result of the final vote on affiliation after 6 hours of debate on Sept. 4, won by the withdrawal forces over the SP loyalists, 41 to 34. The main speech for the secessionists was delivered by Jacob Salutsky, while Nathan Chain of the United Hebrew Trades made the opening speech for the loyalists. Upon the decision, the 34 loyalists bolted the convention, meeting in another room of Forward Hall. Speeches were made to the loyalists assembled by Jacob Panken; J. Baskin (General Secretary of the Workmen's Circle), Alexander Kahn of the Forward, and SPA Executive Secretary Otto Branstetter. A committee of 9 was elected to draw up plans for the Jewish Federation loyalists, to report back on the ensuing day.

 

"New Alliance is Created by Jewish Group: Loyal Socialists Organize in Opposition to Seceding Federation with Endorsement of Labor Unions...: United Hebrew Trades Secretary Assures Delegates of Support in Movement for Strong Party." (NY Call) [Sept. 6, 1921] This is the 4th of 4 reports in the Socialist Party's New York daily detailing the proceedings of the JSF special convention, called to determine the JSF's future relationship to the Socialist Party of America. This installment reports the formation of the Jewish Socialist Alliance (Verbund) of the Socialist Party by the bolting minority delegates. Nathan Chanin was elected General Secretary of the new organization. Meanwhile, the JSF majority voted 43 to 3 to affiliate with the Communist International, despite their misgivings about the institutionalized underground tactics of the Communist Party of America. The organization prepared for a period of independence, setting its dues at 50 cents per month. (The secessionist JSF soon merged with the "Committee for the 3rd International" in the SP to establish itself as the Workers' Council).

 

"Working Class Political Unity," by Morris Hillquit [Sept. 7, 1921] This article in the New York Call by the Socialist Party's most respected strategist, Morris Hillquit, delves into the shift of the Socialist Party towards cooperation with progressive elements from outside the party, a marked departure from the party's historical orientation against "fusion" with external elements. Hillquit notes that the decision of the 1921 Detroit Convention to explore the field. Hillquit notes that this decision is less monumental than some believed: that the tactic would need to be reported to the next convention and approved, and ratified by the membership. Hillquit indicates his support for an electoral alliance through a British-style Labor Party, in which the constituent organizations would continue to run their own candidates for state governorships in order to retain their electoral status, but through which "candidates for other offices would be distributed among the different cooperating organizations with regard to their respective strength in different political districts." Hillquit's thinking is intensely practical: "To continue as a movement of the select few, as a small priesthood charged with the duty of keeping the sacred flame alive and protected from the profane gaze of the multitude, is not an object which in our agitated days will commend itself to the workers of this country. We must have the workers with us, if we are to succeed and we must go to them if they do not come to us."

 

"Can We Work for Socialism Outside the Socialist Party?" by William M. Feigenbaum [Sept. 9, 1921] In this article published in the Socialist Party's New York daily, journals William Feigenbaum -- son of one of the fathers of the Yiddish language Federation of the SPA -- takes aim at the Communists for disrupting the cause of Socialism in America, exemplified by their behavior at the recently completed special convention of the Jewish Socialist Federation. Feigenbaum questions the motives of the Left Wing of the JSF in waiting so long to break with the national Socialist Party, seeing in the delay an effort "to do as much damage to the Socialist Party as they could in their withdrawal." Feigenbaum thus characterizes the Left Wing of the Federation as "wreckers and disrupters" whose work, "together with the work of the Ku Klux and the American Legion, had borne fruit." Feigenbaum contends that the 2 years of Communist independent action had been an abysmal failure: "Not a single new member was gained, but more than nine-tenths of the old went out. Not a stroke of organization work has been done, except to throw a few manifestos from elevated trains and roofs. Instead of sections of a united party, the few hundred remaining men are two angrily quarreling 'parties,' periodically 'uniting,' and then splitting again." Feigenbaum argues that this was a necessary result of the fact that the "Communist movement was born as a negative drive against the Socialist Party, rather than as a positive movement for some ideal or some method of organization." Instead, Feigenbaum declares that despite its various "faults and shortcomings, the only work for Socialism of any consequence that has been done within the past 2 years since the 'new' methods were evolved, is the direct result of the Socialist Party's work." Feigenbaum insists: "Those who want to see Socialism grow can work for Socialism. Let all others get out of the way."

 

"Cahan Says the Forward Supports the Party: Editor of Great Jewish Daily, Back from Europe, Declares Seceders Will be Fought -- Praises Germans and Scores Communists Abroad," by William M. Feigenbaum [Sept. 11, 1921] On Sept. 11, 1921, the powerful and widely respected editor of the Jewish Daily Forward, Abraham Cahan, returned to America after a 14 week stay in Europe, centered in Berlin. There Cahan had exchanged views with a wide range of leaders of the European Socialist movement, including representatives of the Soviet government. Upon his return, Cahan was met at the docks by about 75 prominent Jewish-American leaders, who sat together in a luncheon at the Hotel Brevoort in New York. In his address to the gathering, Cahan declared in no uncertain terms that "no man can write against the Socialist Party and remain on the Forward... I am sorry that we must lose some of our best people,but if they are against the party, that settles it. No one who is against the party can be on the Forward. The Forward was established for the party, not the party for the Forward. Some of the intellectuals want the Third International. For an American to speak of the Third International is a sign of absolute idiocy -- if not of a police spy. In Europe, people know that the Third International is an absolute failure. It is a joke. Lenin would like to get rid of it if he could. No one takes it seriously any more. The Third International has done 1,000 times more damage to the Socialist movement than good." Cahan noted the vitality of the Social Democratic Party in Germany and stated that "the Communist there amount to nothing.... The leading Communist members of the Soviet government that I spoke to admit that the whole Communist movement, and the hope of a world revolution, on which the Communist International is based, is done for."

 

"The Principles and Program of the Trade Union Educational League," by William Z. Foster [March 1922] This early leaflet of the Trade Union Educational League reprints an article by the group's founder, William Z. Foster, on the thinking behind the organization. America was marked by a particularly backwards state of unionism, in Foster's view, with fewer than 4 million out of 27 million workers unionized -- a far lower rate than that of Germany or Great Britain. Worse still, these unionized workers were dissipated throughout a maze of craft unions, often at cross-purposes with one another. These unions were furthermore in their political infancy, Foster states, not having "advanced to the point of even rudimentary political class consciousness." With two international organizations of unions in the field, the "reformists" of Amsterdam and the "revolutionaries" of Moscow, the "pitiful" conservative American trade union establishment was, alone in the world, unwilling to join either "on the ground that both are too revolutionary." TUEL was organized to combat the 30 year trend of radical workers deserting the "backward" and "ultra-conservative" American union movement, Foster states. He announces a determination to "develop trade unions from their present antiquated and stagnant condition into modern, powerful labor organizations capable of waging successful warfare against Capital. To this end it is working to revamp and remodel from top to bottom their theories, tactics, structure, and leadership. Instead of advocating the prevailing shameful and demoralizing nonsense about harmonizing the interests of Capital and Labor, it is firing the workers' imagination and releasing their wonderful idealism and energy by propagating the inspiring goal of the abolition of capitalism and the establishment of a workers' republic." A dual structure of TUEL organization is posited including "general groups" formed in localities as well as others formed as "industrial sections." A non-dues organization, the sale of "pamphlets, bulletins, journals, etc." was to be paramount, with the monthly magazine The Labor Herald proclaimed to be the official conduit of a "burning message of constructive unionism and solidarity."

 

"The Crisis on the Railroads," by William Z. Foster [June 17, 1922] With TUEL funded for 1922 to the tune of $5,000 by the Comintern via the Communist Party of America, this typeset news release was produced for the Trade Union Educational League by the Workers Party Press Service. In it, TUEL head William Z. Foster weighs in on the economic situation facing common workers of the rail transportation industry. Foster provides statistics to demonstrate the miserable financial situation faced by the Shopmen (repair workers) and Maintenance of Way workers -- pitiful salaries which were under further attack by railroad ownership forces. A "lickspittle" Railroad Labor Board, controlled by the employers, had approved reductions of salary, pushing many employees off the financial precipice. The solution seems clear to Foster: "What must be done in this crisis? Strike, of course, if the Railroad Labor Board tries to make its recent infamous decision stand up. But not a strike of a few crafts. Make it a strike of every railroad man in the United States. Anything short of this would be a crime. The railroad employers of the country are united. They are determined to crush the unions and to wipe them off the railroads. The railroad men, therefore, must stand together in one solid body."

 

"Manifesto of the United Toilers of America to the Miners, Marine, & Transport Workers of the World." [Aug. 5, 1922] In the 17th week of the bitter strike of the coal miners, the "legal political organization" of the Central Caucus-CPA Opposition issued this manifesto calling for workers in the marine and transport industries to expand the strike to prevent defeat of the miners' action. With the decision of the Railway Shopmen to strike in July, "the shutdown is now complete; the demands of industry in this country will force the coal barons to yield to the demands of the miners -- UNLESS FOREIGN COAL CAN BE OBTAINED!" the manifesto declares. However, "there have been many transports loaded with cargoes of coal from Europe landed at American ports. The ruling class is jubilant. The coal famine can be postponed if only they can continue the steady influx of foreign coal. The ruling class of Britain is working hand in hand with the ruling class of the United States to defeat the miners here... If they can crush the American mine workers now, the same combination of predatory fiends will crush you later." The UTA exhorts transport workers to "rally to the support of the struggling miners of the United States of America" and to "smash the international conspiracy against labor with the United Front of the Working Class" by shutting down the effort to use foreign coal to defeat the American miners.

 

"Letter to Theodore Draper in New York City from Max Bedacht in Frenchtown, NJ, Dec. 13, 1954." This letter to historian Ted Draper from Communist Labor Party founding member Max Bedacht serves as a reminder of the limitations inherent in oral history and memoirs produced decades after the fact vs. careful examination of archival documents and the contemporary press. Despite having the benefit of whatever limited materials were available to him in his personal library in answering a number of Draper's queries, and despite having time to compose his answers in writing, the participant Bedacht is unable to reconstruct a correct timeline of major events (divergences from the archival record being cataloged here in a very extensive set of footnotes). This is intended as no reflection on Bedacht's honesty or competence -- he was both honest and competent -- but rather a much more important illustration of the inevitable deficiencies of ex-post facto memoir accounts, be they written or verbal. Historians should bear in mind always that participant memoir accounts (particularly those provided many years after the fact) are in no way the "last word" on various questions of history. Indeed, the contrary is true: distant recollections are but the first word, from which point examination of archival material and the contemporary press might be more profitably made to "settle" the various questions of history which emerge. Of particular interest to historians of the early American Communist Party is Bedacht's account here of the origin of the name of Abram Jakira's underground-oriented "Goose Caucus" of 1922: "We had given them the name of geese because they had only a few talking leaders. And when one of them flapped his wings and quacked, they all flopped and all quacked in exact imitation."

 

"Letter to Theodore Draper in New York City from Max Bedacht in Frenchtown, NJ, Jan. 20, 1955." In this letter to historian Ted Draper, Communist Party leader Max Bedacht provides interesting impressionistic answers to a number of Draper's questions about the early American Communist movement. Bedacht offers an intelligent critique of Left Wing thinking in the party split of 1919: "I think I am justified in saying that all of us -- at least subconsciously -- believed that world events had relieved us and our revolutionary organizations of the tedious and patience-consuming job of weaning the American working masses away from their bourgeois illusions. Since such a belief is wrong under any conditions, the propaganda of the Left based upon it became mere radical-sounding phrases with little or no concrete meaning." He sees the division of the Communist movement into two organizational streams as a product of different paces of "sobering up" about the prospects of imminent revolutionary transformation in the USA. Bedacht also provides an extensive account of the factional division in the Communist Party which swirled around the Labor Party question in 1922-24. Bedacht testifies that "It was in the course of the discussions and deliberations about efforts for the development of a broad Labor Party movement that the concepts about the possibility and the need of a legal, respectively illegal Communist Party in America crystallized. Out of these discussions the Geese were born as an organized group. They had ghosted about before around questions such as 'force and violence.' But the discussions about our approach to the masses via a Labor Party touched off the 'final conflict.' Our side became more and more convinced that the successful and effective functioning with and within a Labor Party would require and make possible the open functioning of a legal Communist Party. The illegalists-in-principle, on the other hand, for whom control meant leadership, could see a protection for the purity of the principles of the Party only in the underground." The botched handling of the Farmer-Labor Party question in 1924 "broke up the behind the scenes bridge between us and Fitzpatrick" and "initiated the bitter and destructive fight within the CP between the Foster group and the Ruthenberg (later Lovestone) group," Bedacht recalls. "Foster accused the National Committee of the Party that it broke faith with Fitzpatrick," Bedacht notes.

 

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