NEW POSTINGS TO EAM (07-35) Sept. 2, 2007

"Conscientious Objectors," by Louis C. Fraina [circa May 1917] In addition to being one of the most important ideologists of the nascent American Communist movement, Louis C. Fraina was a leading member of the resistance movement to conscription, as this signed (!!!) wartime leaflet published by the "League of Conscientious Objectors" in New York testifies. The authorities were well aware of the young Italian-Americans activities -- as the specimen of the leaflet which served as the source of this file was ironically preserved for posterity in the files of the American secret police, the Department of Justice's Bureau of Investigation. Fraina provides a narrow and radical definition of a Conscientious Objector, as one who "refuses any participation in this war" -- including alternative or non-combatant service -- and states that this refusal is "based not alone upon the objection of his individual conscience, but upon the general social necessity of striking at war and at the reactionary purposes that war promotes." "The man who refuses to fight at the front, but is will to work behind the lines or at home to assist others to kill and be killed, is a coward. The Conscientious Objector is not a coward and has no use for cowards," Fraina declares. "Ours is a social cause. We are engaged in a real war to make the world safe for democracy - the social war of the oppressor against the oppressed, the war for the overthrow of the infamous social system that produces the evil of war and evils infinitely more horrible," Fraina insists.

"Letter to the Department of Justice in Washington, DC, from Anna Louise Strong in Seattle, Dec. 14, 1917." Seattle School Board member Anna Louise Strong boldly and aggressively writes to the Department of Justice in protest of the attempt of its agents to use slander and insinuation to cause those they distrust to be terminated from their jobs. Strong cites the case of a high school German teacher named Kilian whom Acting Agent in Charge of the Bureau of Investigation's Seattle office, Charles Petrovitsky, denounced in a letter as a "rabid pro-German." Despite Kilian's commission of no overt act whatsoever, the Seattle secret police boss warned the School Board to "protect" themselves and see that his "activities and mouthings be curbed." Strong notes that "it appears to be the policy of the representatives of your department in this neighborhood to attempt in this manner to secure the discharge of persons whom they cannot themselves prosecute." Strong notes that Kilian had a son in the army and a daughter in the Red Cross, and that he "does not want Germany to win." In contrast to the unity-building efforts of President Wilson, Strong charges that it is becoming increasingly clear that "the activities of the Department of Justice are doing more than any other one thing to create distrust, suspicion, and dissension among the American people. If the Department were run in the direct interest of Germany, it could not be more effective in that direction." Strong also notes the recent mass arrest of 100 radical trade unionists, amidst false accusations of "anarchism" in the press, and a sensational purported bomb plot that evaporated under the weight of the facts. "Wild accusations and attempts to injure persons and organizations who cannot be prosecuted because of lack of evidence does not tend to create confidence in the government," Strong notes. Strong was recalled from her position on the Seattle School Board about 3 months later, not accidentally.

"Report of Treatment of Conscientious Objectors at the Camp Funston [Kansas] Guard House," by David Eichel, et al. [events of Sept. 5 to Oct. 21, 1918] There are some in the Washington political elite who claim that the abuses and crimes of Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo were "aberations" by "rogue" members of the military. This ahistorical perspective is belied by this first-hand collective diary of the systematic tortures and abuses suffered by 16 conscientious objectors held in a military stockade in Kansas during the waning days of the "war to make the world safe for democracy." The litany of inhumanity and violence is straight out of Sollzhenitsyn's Gulag Archipelago: verbal abuse, beatings, incitement of guards and favored prisoners to violence against the political detainees, threats, dietary manipulation, enforced physical exertion to the point of exhaustion, sleep deprivation, solitary confinement, ritual humiliation of nude prisoners... The only features seeming to have been missing the ironically named Camp Funston from a thoroughly 21st Century approach to American political torture would be the use of sensory deprivation, psychoactive drugs, and amplified music. Camp Funston does get bonus points for what seems to have been attempted mass murder by pneumonia (given the state of medical knowledge of the day) -- the enforced administration of repeated cold water showers followed by enforced outdoor exertion. As in Solzhenitsyn, the hapless prisoners employed their only available means to end the most onerous of these abuses -- an organized hunger strike. This material was published in pamphlet form by the National Civil Liberties Bureau, forerunner of the American Civil Liberties Union. It remains timely and would make an excellent assigned reading for undergraduate students of 20th Century American history.

"Statement of Ludwig C.A.K. Martens on the Activities of the Soviet Mission: Moscow -- Feb. 24, 1921." Upon arriving back in Moscow after being forced to leave the United States, former Russian emissary Ludwig Martens summarized the activities of the Russian Soviet Government Bureau which he headed in the Soviet press. Martens retrospectively categorizes the activity of the RSGB into three sections: Information, Commercial work, and Technical work. Martens feels the propagation of information about Soviet Russia had been successful, as had the development of technical information and assistance for his country. Commercial work was a mixed bag, in Martens' estimation, the big failure to open up trade relations being only partially offset by the export of $750,000 worth of goods from Soviet Russia and by the execution of a number of successful purchase orders. Martens also emphasizes the importance of having made contact with the 3 million member Russian colony in America, the mass of which were "undoubtedly supporters of Soviet Russia." Martens concludes that it is his conviction "that our return to America will take place in the very near future. The program put forward by the Republicans during the Presidential election contained a paragraph demanding the resumption of trade relations with all countries with which America is not in a state of war. This of course applies to Soviet Russia. I think that as soon as Harding becomes President of the USA, Soviet Russia will be given the opportunity of opening the necessary negotiations."

"Hail the First of May." [leaflet of the United Toilers of America] [c. April 25, 1922] This is the text of a rare leaflet of the "Legal Political Organization" subsidiary of the Central Caucus-CPA Opposition! It seems to have been printed in Detroit! The UTA used a lot of BOLD TYPE and exclamation points in this document! They advanced many slogans! They bought them by the gross and used them all at once in the hope that one would stick! "We will refuse to allow ourselves to be killed through overwork!" they declare. "Long live the maximum eight-hour working day!" they continue. "Down with all lengthening of the working day!" they add. "We do not want to starve to death as a reward for our hard toil!" they emphasize. "Down with all wage cutting!" they implore. "Down with starvation wages!" they protest. "We will not allow the smashing of workers' organizations! We will defend the hard fought-for rights of our Unions!" they defiantly assert. "Down with the Open Shop!" they demand. They continue in a like vein! The slogans go on and on! It is difficult to understand why a spontaneous revolution did not erupt in Detroit on May 1, 1922, since there was so much BLACK TYPE, so many slogans, and so many exclamation points circulated! But somehow, the social revolution was delayed! Capitalism survived! "Long live the struggle of the workers!" they urge. "Long live the international solidarity of the proletariat!" they reiterate. "Long live the mobilization day of the revolutionary working class of the whole world -- Long Live the First of May!" they reemphasize. "Long live the Proletarian revolution!" they repeat. "Long live Communism!" they conclude.

"Minutes of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party of America: New York, April 3-27, 1922." The governing Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party of America met an unprecedented 12 times in the month of April 1922. Key matters covered at these sessions included: discussion of pre-convention theses on the relationship of the legal and underground communist organizations (April 3); controversy in the Friends of Soviet Russia between top leaders Alfred Wagenknecht and Jacob Hartmann (April 6); discussion of the activities of the party and TUEL in the unions (April 7, 9); controversy in the Jewish Federation (April 9); discussion of the Central Caucus-CPA Opposition (April 10); an important reorganization of the CEC, in which were tendered resignations of 7 of its members and a vote taken resulting in the removal of Will Weinstone, Meyer Lunin, and Joe Zack in favor of Bob Minor, Alfred Wagenknecht, and Earl Browder (April 14, 17) and the issuance of an official statement on the same (April 24). This change was ostensibly made in the interest of party unity, an attempt to assure representation on the CEC by all major factions in the run-up to the August Bridgman Convention. Also considered by the CEC was: convention planning (April 25); the question of industrial nuclei (April 26); appointment of a committee to visit Gene Debs in Terre Haute in an apparent attempt to win his support for the CPA (April 26); and personnel matters on the Federated Press (April 27). The efficient administrator Wagenknecht and the newly-released Ruthenberg were put in charge of reorganizing the WPA (April 27), which had up to that point been rather haplessly directed by the orators Jim Cannon and Caleb Harrison. Perhaps the single most important matter addressed during the April 1922 was the division of the CEC into 3 permanent sub-committees, on the motion of Earl Browder: an Industrial Committee of 3, and Organization Committee of 3, and a Political Committee consisting of the remaining "resident" members (April 26). The same Chicago-based Industrial Committee was then kept (including CEC members Browder and Swabeck and non-CEC member Bill Foster), with the other 2 sub-committees sitting in New York -- Katterfeld, Stilson, and Lovestone on the Organization Committee, with the remaining 5 CEC members sitting on the Political Committee. This Chicago-Industrial / New York-Political division of the organization would prove to be the fundamental contradiction powering the party's factional war of the 1920s.

"Minutes of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party of America: New York, May 29 to June 1, 1922." A full session of the CEC of the CPA met daily in New York City from May 29 to June 1, 1922. Important decisions of this plenary session included: a juggling of personnel at the Federated Press, with E.J. Costello confined to editorial work and Tom Tippet taking over as managing editor transitionally until the role could be fulfilled by Carl Haessler (May 29); the appointment of Ben Gitlow as Industrial Organizer for the 3 Northeastern districts (May 29); the reopening (yet again) of the Albert Verblin spy case (May 29); the election of Max Bedacht as Assistant Secretary of the party, to serve in the absence of Jay Lovestone, who was going to Europe (May 29); the replacement of Alex Bittelman on the Political Committee by C.E. Ruthenberg and the replacement of Jay Lovestone on the Organization Committee by Ben Gitlow (May 31). On June 1, the report of the Budget Committee was heard. An infusion of Comintern cash in the amount of approximately $40,000 seems to have been received by the CPA -- $1,000 of which was dedicated to the Communist Party of Canada, which was not allowed a direct appropriation under the 1922 budget process in Moscow. About 40% of the remaining $39,000 was committed to previously incurred and short term projected expenses (back wages, missed payments to federations, printers bills, convention expenses, etc.) with the balance going to the CPA Organization fund ($5,000), TUEL ($5,000), the WPA ($5,000), a reserve account for a national daily paper ($5,000), the YCL ($1,500), the Freiheit ($1,000), Voice of Labor ($500), the Federated Press ($500), and the Women's Secretariat ($500), (all these numbers except the TUEL figure slightly higher than the actual amount appropriated). Federation affairs in the Russian, Ukrainian, and South Slavic Federations were also discussed (June 1). Earl Browder was named the representative of the CEC to the NEC of the Young Communist League and Arne Swabeck was named representative to the NEC of the Young Workers League (both of which were based in Chicago).

"Railroad Men! Act Against the Traitors to Labor." [United Toilers of America] [July 31, 1922] In addition to its English and Russian official organs, the United Toilers of America, "Legal Political Organization" of the Central Caucus-CPA Opposition, issued targeted newspapers in support of the strikes of the Railroad Shopmen and Miners in the summer of 1922. This article from the 2nd issue of the UTA's "Railroad Strike Bulletin" urges the railroad workers to make the strike of the shopmen general across the railroad industry. The Maintenance of Way union and the powerful railroad brotherhoods must be appealed to, for unless they would join the shopmen today, they would face defeat in their own isolated actions tomorrow, the article asserts. "The rank and file of all the railroad unions, with the exception of here and there a fossilized conductor or engineer, is anxious to get into the fight and to teach the railroad barons that they cannot crush labor," the article declares; to this are opposed the "reactionary officialdom" of the brotherhoods, exemplified by the "reptile and mountebank fakir" head of the Firemen and Enginemen, Robertson, and others of similar ilk. "We, the rank and file, must act and act decisively to bring all the workers on the railroads under the strike banner in order to once and for all teach the arrogant exploiters and robbers that we will not accept any conditions they desire to impose upon us. The strike must be broadened; the picket line must be extended to stop every wheel that turns on the railroads of the United States," the article declares.

Revised Files

"Minutes of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party of America, New York, January 1922." ***Third edition, based upon a fundamentally different version of the minutes published in The Communist, with insertions of omitted material from archival summary minutes.*** Summary minute of undated (multiple) January deliberations of the governing Central Executive Committee of the CPA. The CPA was in possession of a Comintern ruling that held "the tactics of the majority of the CEC [on the establishment of a Legal Political Party] to be absolutely correct." Robert Minor had attended the Jan. 7-12, 1922 "Emergency Convention" of the "Communist Party of America" of the Central Caucus faction and read the letter to the convention and again to the leadership of the organization. The three top leaders of the faction -- Charles Dirba, George Ashkenuzi, and "Johnson" -- had "answered that they will not obey the decision of the Comintern and will fight the [WPA]. They also informed Com. [Minor] that they hold themselves to be the [Communist Party of America]" and that they sent a delegate to Russia to argue their case. As a result, a campaign of publicity was launched and CEC members Bittelman, Zack, and Weinstone were sent on tour of the various districts to publicize the Comintern's decision. The CEC also established a new Party-wide wage scale, based on location, character of work, and number of dependents, ranging from $25-35 single, $30-40 one dependent, and $40-45 for employees with multiple dependents./// New material added in the 2007 edition includes a number of district-by-district reports as well as text of a resolution passed by D5 [Chicago], etc.

"Minutes of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party of America, New York, Feb. 10-22, 1922] ***Substantially modified file -- adds one missed page of content, adds several pseudonym IDs, removes one false ID, standardizes format, alters typography.*** Official minutes from the February 1922 sessions of the Communist Party's governing Central Executive Committee -- some pages missing from the source document in the Comintern archive. A variety of interesting tidbits: the balance of his funds owed the American CP by Louis Fraina ($15,666); decision-making as to participation in the founding conclave of the Conference for Progressive Political Action (three delegates sent with a declaration that the Workers Party is a revolutionary organization not believing in reforms); a decision TO INSTRUCT THE COMINTERN to in turn INSTRUCT THE CENTRAL CAUCUS OPPOSITION GROUP IN THE NAME OF THE COMINTERN that failure to return to the CPA within a designated period will result in expulsion from the Communist International itself; and the resignation of William Weinstone as Executive Secretary of the CPA on Feb. 22, 1922, and his replacement in that role by Jay Lovestone. // Material added in the 2007 edition covers additional happenings from the Feb. 22 session: the rebuking of a protest levied by the New York District against Jim Cannon; resignation of Meyer Lunin as Detroit DO, replaced by "Dare"; and a first vote on the expulsion of Ludwig Lore from the party, with Joseph Zack Kornfeder bringing the motion and casting the sole vote in favor.

"Minutes of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party of America, New York, March 8-31, 1922." ***Substantially modified file -- adds several pseudonym IDs, standardizes format, alters typography.*** Minutes of the governing CEC of the underground CPA for the month of March 1922. The body met 8 times during the month and dealt with a wide range of topics. Highlights include: a decision to circulate a photostatic copy of the Comintern letter resolving the Central Caucus faction split in favor of the CPA majority (March 8); a declaration by Executive Secretary Jay Lovestone that "the treasury is totally empty, that the needs were pressing, no funds coming in from the districts and that the outlook for improvement was very dark." (March 8); the appointment of Morris Kushinsky as the Philadelphia District Organizer (March 8); an attempt to name Abram Jakira the Detroit DO (March 8), which was rejected by Jakira. The CEC then demanded a letter of explanation (March 14). Jakira continued to strenuously object and the CEC resolved to establish a voluntary (unpaid) DO for the district (March 23). Further tidbits: Rep to the CI Katterfeld in Moscow was instructed to "try to secure an appropriation of at least 25 [thousand dollars]" (March 10); a per capita convention assessment of $1 was levied to support the forthcoming 2nd Convention of the CPA and a 1-for-200 members representation agree upon (March 10); Katterfeld was recalled from Moscow, to be replaced by Bedacht (March 10); a forthcoming miners' strike was prepared for (March 14 and passim); division of work in writing the theses for the 2nd [Bridgman] convention was made (March 16); an attempt to censure Bittelman for editorial misconduct failed and Minor and Cannon resigned from the Editorial Board in protest -- Bittelman also attempted to resign, but his resignation was rejected on a tie vote (March 16); and Joseph Zack Kornfeder and Joseph Stilson were appointed as a committee to investigate and reorganize the CPA's Russian and Jewish Bureaus (March 23, 29).

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List of 1922 meetings of the National Executive Committee of the Young Workers League of America. Includes specific archival citations in the Comintern Archive for meeting minutes of each of the 18 sessions held in 1922.

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