"Memorandum on the Severance
of Diplomatic Relations with Germany," by Robert Lansing
[events of Jan. 31-Feb. 3, 1917] Memorandum about backstage affairs at the White
House at the pivotal moment of the severance of diplomatic relations
with Germany written by pro-war Secretary of State Robert Lansing.
Lansing makes clear that the action was precipitated by the German
decision to renew unrestricted submarine warfare in defiance
of their April 1916 assurances issued in the aftermath of the
sinking of the Sussex. Lansing indicates that he felt the severing
of diplomatic relations was "the only possible" action
to take in order "to preserve the Honor, dignity, and prestige
of the United States" against the bogey of "Prussian
militarism." The cabinet had agreed as much, as ultimately
did Woodrow Wilson, who for all his posturing about "neutrality
in thought and in deed" placed the supreme value on the
"right" of American capitalists to freely traverse
the seas to profit from the sale of food and armament to the
belligerent Allied powers.
"Letter of Acceptance to
Woodrow Wilson in Washington, DC from Charles Edward Russell
in Washington, DC." [May 11, 1917] Most of the leading social-patriotic defectors
from the Socialist Party in 1917 were happy to make new pen pals
of leading old party politicians and to fill the pages of the
mainstream press with words of warning about the insidious activities
of their erstwhile comrades. This "patriotic" activity
earned the SPA's turncoat wing praise and place. For writer Charles
Edward Russell this meant an appointment to the Root Commission
to Russia as the group's token "Socialist" representative.
In this letter to Woodrow Wilson, Russell gratefully accepts
the appointment: "I am profoundly grateful to you for the
opportunity your kindness has conferred upon me to serve the
country we love and the great cause in which, under your leadership,
we are enlisted. To be able to fill any post at such a time,
or to render any service, whether great or small, must fill us
with solemn joy.... In thanking you, Mr. President, may I not
wish for you all health, strength, and fervent, loyal support
in the great task that God has put into your hands for the freedom
and advancement of man and the eternal vindication of democracy?"
"Spargo Resigns: Letter to
Adolph Germer in Chicago from John Spargo." [circa June
7, 1917] One of
5 members of the governing National Executive Committee of the
Socialist Party, John Spargo resigns his position and his party
membership with this letter to Executive Secretary Adolph Germer.
"I withdraw from the party without any ill-feeling or sense
of personal grievance," writes Spargo, noting that "in
my contributions to the discussion of our war policy I have frequently
and vigorously dissented from what seems to be the majority view."
Spargo states that his withdrawal does not mean a disavowal of
Socialism, but that "for a long time it has been painfully
clear to my mind that the Socialist Party is probably the greatest
single obstacle to the progress of Socialism in America."
The British-born Spargo indicates that he hopes to continue to
work for Socialism in non-party organizations such as the Intercollegiate
Socialist Society and clearly intimates that he will be attempting
in the future to help establish a new political party in the
future with other former Socialist Party members. In addition
to his long-running critique of the party's St. Louis Resolution,
Spargo now unleashes new, politically-charged accusation of pro-Germanism
akin to those of the slightly deranged Algie Simons: "From
the earliest days of the war the Socialist Party has, in actual
practice, been committed to a program essentially un-neutral,
un-American, and pro-German.... Through the utterances and actions
of the National Executive Committee, the National Committee,
and our press, the party has been placed in the position of favoring
precisely the things desired by the German foreign office, and
of opposing the things which the German foreign office opposed."
"Letter to S.J. Rutgers in
Moscow from unknown New York correspondent 'F.' with note from
Ludwig Martens in New York, March 21 & 24, 1919." This is a fascinating handwritten
archival document rescued from illegibility, written by an adherent
of the Left Wing Section with a name initial "F." (not
Fraina) to Seybold Rutgers, in Moscow for the founding of the
Communist International. "F." notes that the Socialist
Propaganda League had been terminated, replaced by an organized
Left Wing Section, which would be transmitting credentials to
Rutgers to serve as its delegate to the founding convention.
"F." notes that he had asked the "International
Relations Committee of the Left Wing Section" for a brief
outline history, which is included here in full. This history
notes that the Manifesto of the Left Wing had its roots in a
February 15, 1919, convention in New York City. A postscript
is added by Ludwig Martens noting "Since my appointment
with all my heart and soul I am in the work. Doubtless we shall
have results very soon." Martens adds that "We need
all information in regard to your needs in machinery, supplies,
etc. I think we will have the best chances in the world to create
here a great organization which will be of greatest use for economical
development of Russia."
"Strength of the Two Left
Wing Parties." (Communist Labor Party News) [circa
Sept. 15, 1919] This
short article pronounces the Communist Labor Party's view of
the membership status of the CPA and CLP at the time of their
formation. The article correctly notes that "only an estimate
of the strength of each can be given at this time for the exact
membership can not be ascertained until both organizations have
functioned for some months and then only upon the basis of dues
stamp sales." The CPA is said to consist largely of members
from the language federations: "Russian, 6,500; Ukrainian,
3,500; South Slavic, 3,000; Lithuanian, 6,000; Lettish [Latvian]
1,500; Hungarian, 2,400; Polish, 2,000," plus "a few
thousand English-speaking members" for a total estimated
membership of the Communist Party of "about 28,000."
This estimate is reasonable. The count of its own CLP organizational
ranks is highly inflated however, based upon Anglophonic state
memberships plus "the greater portion of the German Federation
membership, with a Left Wing of "about 5,000, plus "the
Italian Federation, 1,000; and the Scandinavian Federation, 3,000."
Thus, "the membership of the Communist Labor Party equals,
if it does not exceed, that of the Communist Party," the
article writer optimistically (and wrongly) declares.
"CLP Officials Arrested."
(Communist Labor Party News) [event of Oct. 16, 1919]
This short news
article notes the arrest of a number of CLP leaders when attempting
to organize the party organization in Cleveland. These included:
"L.E. Katterfeld, organization director and member of the
National Executive Committee; E.T. Allison, editor; Walter Brunstrup,
Cleveland CLP Secretary; Charles Baker, organizer; and A. Wagenknecht,
Executive Secretary of the CLP, were arrested Thursday, October
16th [1919] and charged with violating the criminal syndicalist
law." The article declares: "The assault upon the party
by the masters' menials will spur every CLP member to double
duty for the party. Defense funds must be secured. Strength in
organization must be developed. Every attack by the hysterical
opposition must be met by additions to our ranks and greater
determination for an early victory."
"CLP National Executive Committee
Minutes: Jan. 3 to 23, 1920." While this esoteric document regrettably picks
up immediately after the Jan. 2 session attended by an undercover
informer of the Military Intelligence Division, it does fill
in detail about the Communist Labor Party's unity negotiations
with the rival Communist Party of America as well as its reshuffling
of officials in the aftermath of the repression of the so-called
"Palmer Raids" directed by J. Edgar Hoover. Lore, Jakira,
and Gitlow were named to act as Editorial Board for Voice
of Labor and Lore, Jakira, and Wagenknecht as Editorial Board
for Communist Labor, both of which publications had a
press run of 5,000. (It would be difficult to take seriously
any self-cited membership figure for the CLP larger than the
press run of the official organ, it might be argued). While a
lease was taken out for a National Office, it was determined
that the "important business of the office to be conducted
elsewhere." If Wagenknecht and Katterfeld were unable to
reach preliminary agreement on a basis for unity with the CPA
at a preliminary meeting to be held Jan. 24, a 3 person committee
was named to meet in Cleveland with prominent CPA members in
an apparent parallel effort to forge unity.
"Maximum Unity Demands of
CLP as Decided Upon by the NEC." [adopted prior to Jan.
24, 1920] This
document details the strategy to be pursued by the Communist
Labor Party in negotiations for unity with the rival Communist
Party of America at the meeting between Wagenknecht and Katterfeld
(CLP) and Ruthenberg and Ferguson (CPA) on Jan. 24 in New York.
The CLP program and the CPA manifesto were to be used as a basis
for unity. The combined organization was not to have autonomous
language federations, and membership by language branches in
these federations was to be optional. A single CEC was to be
established, official organs of the two groups merged, and the
controversy with the Russian Soviet Government Bureau (a bone
of contention with the CPA) was to be dropped.
"Capitalism -- Your Days
Are Numbered." [CLP leaflet, circa Feb. 25, 1920] This is a defiant leaflet of the
Communist Labor Party from the days immediately following the
mass government repression of January 1920. The leaflet challenges:
"Capitalism -- we know you for what you are. The acid of
persecution which you are now so lavishly rubbing into the hides
of the working class will but help make indelible the hundreds
of outrages you have committed. Nothing will ever eradicate Ludlow
from our minds, from the very bones and blood of the class-conscious
workers. Nothing will ever make us forget Everett, nor Cripple
Creek, nor Seattle, nor Centralia, nor Lawrence, nor Paterson,
nor Bisbee, nor Chicago, nor Wichita, nor Cleveland -- yes, as
we name city after city we begin to realize that there is not
one spot in this whole United States where you have not proven
yourself the beast you are." The hypocrisy of the capitalist
system is emphasized: "You prate about the sanctity of the
constitution. You are loudmouthed about preserving representative
government. You demand strict adherence to the laws and profess
horrors at every sign of force and opposition to you. But how
can you preach against force when you so love to use it in your
own behalf? How can you uphold representative government when
you expel representatives who do not fully harmonize with you?
How can you hold the constitution sacred when you wipe your feet
with it every day?" While the present is dark for revolutionary
Socialism, the future is bright, the leaflet intimates: "It
might be midnight in the United States. But dawn in the east
tinges the world with crimson. Labor is also looking eastward.
Labor is learning how." It is perhaps notable that there
is no explicit call for revolutionary action in this ostensibly
underground document."
"Circular Letter on Unity
Negotiations to All Groups of the Communist Labor Party from
the CLP National Office in New York." [April 23, 1920] This mimeographed memo updates
the membership of the Communist Labor Party on the progress of
discussions with the rival Communist Party of America. The first
unity discussion took place on Jan. 24, 1920 in New York. According
to the memo, "The CLP held that the CP constitution and
organizational form was impossible, that we were absolutely opposed
to language federation autonomy." The memo indicates that
this issue was paramount since "the CP has always been in
the control of a language federation bloc, which in turn was
in control of half a dozen careerists, who held it more important
to cut our careers for themselves than to build a strong Communist
movement." Fearing an alliance against them between the
anglophonic elements in the CPA and the CLP in a united organization,
the federationist element of the CPA launched a preemptive strike:
"So they began discharging district officials not in harmony
with their control policy. The minority upon the CP Central Executive
Committee [Ruthenberg group] objected to such discharges, but
as the careerist majority on this committee insisted, the minority
split away. From what we can gain at this time, both factions
in this split are about evenly divided in regard to membership
backing, both claim to be the CP, and both will hold conventions."
It is noted by the CLP National Office that "At this writing,
communications seeking unity with the CLP are on hand from both
factions of the CP."
"Down Tools On May First!
Workers Awaken! Workers Unite!" [CLP leaflet, late April
1920] This typeset
leaflet was produced by the underground Communist Labor Party
for May Day 1920. There is no modesty in the 3,000 or so member
CLP's self-image: "The revolutionary advance guard of the
Proletariat calls upon the workers everywhere to break the bondage
of economic and political slavery and demonstrate on that day
for the cause of real freedom." The leaflet urges: "In
years past we demonstrated for the 8-hour day on May First. Today
we demonstrate for: ALL POWER TO THE WORKERS * * * Workers! To
get free you must answer the war cry of united capitalism against
the workers of Russia as well as the workers in other countries
with the war cry of united labor against capitalism. The answer
to the capitalists of the world in their war against the social
revolution in Russia and elsewhere must be the social revolution
against capitalism everywhere."
"The Winds of Reaction: News
of the Socialist Party Convention." (Communist Labor
Party News) [events of May 8 to 14, 1920] This hostile analysis of the 1920
convention of the Socialist Party by an unnamed Communist Labor
Party member seems to have been written from press accounts rather
than on the basis of actual attendance, which limits its utility
as a primary document of the SP. Nevertheless, the piece does
offer an interesting view of CLP doctrine and the group's political
horizons. The SPA Left Wing of Louis Engdahl and Bill Kruse is
the recipient of surprisingly harsh criticism, called "Centrist"
here. The CLP journalist argues that "staying in" the
party, the position advocated by Kruse and Engdahl, "means
nothing more than lending financial and moral support to the
counterrevolutionist who have firmly decided to keep the SP label
no matter how many members it costs them." There can be
no organizational unity between the pro-Third International Left
Wing and the dominant Regular Party faction, called the "Hillquit
faction" here. Hillquit is called the "oracle"
of the Socialist Party and the group is ridiculed for an inability
to even half fill the 12,000 seat Madison Square Garden to launch
its 1920 Presidential campaign. The writer analyzes the published
words of SP leaders Hillquit, Victor Berger, and James Oneal
and concludes that "the stand then of the Socialist Party
is not to overthrow bourgeois democracy, which in reality is
capitalist class dictatorship, and to establish in its place
a workers' dictatorship, but...to cry for the good old times
of long ago, to try to reestablish normal times so that bourgeois
democracy might again have an opportunity to be honest and fair."
The Socialist Party is dismissed as being "reactionary to
the core."
"Report to the Executive
Committee of the Communist International in Moscow from the Central
Executive Committee of the United Communist Party in New York."
[Sept. 14, 1920] This
is an extremely important archival document, summarizing the
activity of the United Communist Party during its first 3 months
of activity. While running the gamut of UCP activities, of immediate
importance to scholars is -- once again -- confirmation that
the Comintern funding figures cited in Messrs. Haynes and Klehr's
1995 document collection are exaggerated to the point of absurdity.
This Sept. 14 report states: "The capacity of our organization
to conduct agitation already outstrips our financial ability
to supply the necessary literature. After our unity convention,
$25,000 was made available from an outside sources [sic.]. This
amount together with our monthly income from the membership of
about $10,000 will be exhausted by the end of September [1920]
and we will then have to depend upon our own resources unless
other funds reach us." This amount (identical funding being
received by the rival CPA, bear in mind) substantiates the figures
cited by Will Weinstone in his short Jan. 4, 1922 funding summary,
available here as "Foreign
Treasury Exchange, January 4, 1922: [A Complete Record of Comintern
Subsidies Actually Received by the American Communist Movement,
1919-1921]."
It is also backs up the sets of financial figures presented at
the time of UCP-CPA merger at the 1921 Woodstock Convention,
by
Executive Secretary Charles Dirba of the Old CPA and by CEC
member and top party leader Ludwig Katterfeld of the UCP. (The latter of whom notes explicitly
that "$50,000 was sent [to the UCP] but only $25,000 arrived
here.") Moreover, there exists additional documentary evidence
which demonstrates compellingly the failure of early attempts
to transmit these unreceived 1920 Comintern funds via John Anderson
(Kristap Beika) and John Reed. Rest assured that in September
1920 the UCP was perfectly willing to receive and spend more
cash from the Comintern, generously offering to dispose of another
$150,000 of the ECCI's money "in building up the circulation
of our official organ, in publishing timely leaflets among the
workers, in building up the circulation of our legal paper, and
in carrying out our program of shop organization." This
money was not forthcoming, however. Note well: Net funds actually
flowed FROM the American Communists TO Soviet Russia rather than
vice-versa via the Comintern over the next 24 months, with
funds flowing out for famine relief and technical aid at the
same time that Comintern aid was shut down due to the factional
war gripping the American movement. 1920 CI funding was
thus significant but comparatively modest; while during 1921
and the first half of 1922, far from the fatted hog at the Comintern
trough implied by Messrs. Haynes and Klehr, the American Communist
movement teetered on the verge of financial insolvency.
CLICK
THE LOGO AT THE TOP OF THE PAGE TO GO TO THE EARLY AMERICAN MARXISM
WEBSITE.
