"The American Race Problem," by Cyril Briggs [serialized Sept.-Dec. 1918] This set of four articles, serialized as "The American Race Problem" by editor Cyril Briggs in his new monthly, The Crusader, puts the pioneer black radical on the radar screen of the black liberation movement of his day as a leading exponent of racial separatism. Briggs sees American White-Black racism as a form of "hatred of the unlike" which draws "its virulence from the firm conviction in the white man's mind of the inequality of races -- the belief that there are superior and inferior races and that the former are marked with a white skin and the latter with dark skin and that only the former are capable and virtuous and therefore alone fit to vote, rule and inherit the earth." Briggs reminds his readers that racial antipathy is a two-way street and that "the Negro dislikes the white man almost as much as the latter dislikes the Negro." Briggs takes aim at fundamental flaws of white economy and society, including the systemic peonage of black agricultural workers in the South, the brutality of lynch mob rule, the horror of convict slave labor, and the dehumanizing effect of Jim Crow segregation, using as illustrations of these evils quotations from those he depicts as "white men, naturally in half-sympathy with the South and only protesting when cracker cruelty went too far." Briggs proffers the "new solution" then emerging, in which the American black had come to the realization that "the salvation of his race and an honorable solution of the American Race Problem call for action and decision in preference to the twaddling, dreaming, and indecision of 'leaders.'" Instead, "nothing more or less than independent, separate existence" was called for -- "Government of the (Negro) people, for the (Negro) people and by the (Negro) people."

 

"The Growth of the Left Wing," by Maximilian Cohen [March 8, 1919] A fascinating brief recounting of the history of the Left Wing Section of Local New York by the organized faction's Secretary, Max Cohen, who was present at the creation. Cohen notes that there had long been a Left-Right division in the Socialist Party of New York, dating back to the days before the world war. The betrayal of International Socialism by the Social Democratic parties of the Second International on the one hand, and the victory of the Bolshevik Revolution on the other, had energized and accelerated the pre-existing division. The support of the New York Socialist Aldermen for the Liberty Loan spurred the struggle between the Left and Right in the New York SPA, and trench lines were dug over efforts of the Left to discipline or formally criticize Conrgressman London for his war position. When a joint meeting of New York City Committees called to address the Aldermanic situation was sabotaged by Julius Gerber, as chairman of the meeting, a walkout ensured. "These delegates and comrades crowded in the corridor and forced Comrade [George] Goebel to give them a meeting room, a thing which he at first refused to do. There the Left Wing Section had its birth as an organization," Cohen states. A 14 member committee was elected to draft a temporary manifesto and program. An all-day convention was called for Feb. 15, 1919, and it was on that day that the Left Wing Section was formally launched, with the Manifesto and Program revised for publication, organizational rules adopted, officers elected, and The Revolutionary Age certified as the official organ of the group.

 

"The Left Wing Unites," by Louis C. Fraina [Aug. 23, 1919] In this unsigned editorial from Revolutionary Age, Louis Fraina makes known the decision of a big majority of the Left Wing National Council to join the "Federation of Russian Federations" in calling a Sept. 1, 1919 convention to establish a Communist Party of America. In joining in the issuance of the call for the new party, Fraina states that the "split of the real Communist elements of the Left Wing" was effectively liquidated. "The agreement on a joint call for a convention to organize a Communist Party on September 1 unites the Communist elements in the Left Wing, gives each the opportunity of casting off their non-Communist adherents, and uniting all the Communists irresistibly for the conquest of power in the new party," Fraina asserts. This move towards immediate unity was made necessary by the failure of the Left Wing-dominated "new NEC" of the Socialist Party to issue a call for convention under their own auspices; thus, those Socialists coming to Chicago on August 30 would be attending a convention which had been called and effectively packed by the outgoing NEC, with certain defeat in the offing. Only 2 bitter anti-Federationists on the National Council (Jim Larkin and Ben Gitlow) out of the total of 7 remained committed to the old tactic of attempting to win at the Socialist Party Convention and refused to join in issuing the call. "Some of the problems in dispute are still unsolved, but they will be solved at the Communist Party Convention," Fraina notes, adding that "It is indisputable that the old party is not in accord with revolutionary Socialism. Deprived of the stimulus of the Left Wing agitation in the party, it must more and more rely upon counterrevolutionary moderates, more and more become a Labor Party in fact if not in name." Fraina declares that "the controversy within the Left Wing must now end; the few comrades on both sides who are disgruntled with the decision to unite are acting against the Communist Party."

 

"Resignations Split Ranks of Communists: Fraina and Ruthenberg Among Those Who Quit -- Another Party is Formed." (NY Call) [Sept. 2, 1919] This report from the hostile New York Call notes with barely concealed glee the bitter acrimony which met the founding convention of the Communist Party of America in the second day of its founding convention. The report notes that "the Communist Party, composed of the Michigan crowd, the Russian Federation, and the former Left Wing National Council, nearly split in two when, at a concerted signal, there resigned from the important Emergency Committee of the convention Louis C. Fraina, C.E. Ruthenberg, I.E. Ferguson, Maximilian Cohen, D. Elbaum, and A. Selakovich and, from other offices, former Organizer A. Paul of Queens and Fannie Horowitz. The issue was over sending a committee of conciliation to the 'Lefts' who had meanwhile formed the Communist Labor Party. Afraid of losing their numerical and actual domination of the convention and of the Communist Party, the Russians had throttled the proposition to increase the English-speaking element. But the scantily veiled threat of the 'Lefts' in their midst had a partial effect." The Federation group ultimately consented to naming a 5 member unity committee composed of Russian Federationists N.I. Hourwich, Alexander Stoklitsky, Polish Federationist Daniel Elbaum, and English speakers I.E. Ferguson, and C.E. Ruthenberg. "On one thing the Russians and their opponents agreed. Nobody would be permitted to join the Communist Party Convention without first passing the Credentials Committee, which consists of 7 Russians out of 7 committeemen. Also tacitly, it is agreed that under no circumstances would they admit John Reed, Ludwig Lore, Benjamin Gitlow, A. Wagenknecht, L.E. Katterfeld, L.B. Boudin, and the others who had insisted on disobeying the Russian-Michigan mandate for a Communist Party several weeks ago," the unsigned news report avers.

 

"The Chicago Convention: An Editorial in the New York Call, Sept. 3, 1919." This editorial in the New York Call from the time of the Socialist Party's Emergency National Convention provides numeric detail illustrating the magnitude of the "regrettable" party split: "The report of Secretary Germer, showing that of the 200 delegates allotted to the convention, 136 were entitled to seats without a contest, indicates the extent of the schism in the party. But even this figure does not tell the whole story. About 103 of these uncontested delegates are said to be 'Regular.' That is, they stand for the Socialist Party organization, but among them are a considerable number who are uncertain of their course and reserve judgment on matters in controversy. Some have positive convictions that the expulsions of several state organizations and suspension of language federations were not justified, and it will require strong evidence to convince them." The remaining 33 uncontested delegates were "strongly sympathetic to the so-called Left Wing," the editorial continues, adding that "some of them may be won over if the evidence is strong enough to justify the expulsions." The preposterous claim is made by the editorialist that "every delegate entitled to a seat, no matter what his views are, was seated" at the convention.

 

"Convention Urges US to Recognize Republic of Erin...: Formation of Socialist Press Syndicate Favored: Question of Naming Debs for Presidency Put Over Until Today -- Resolutions Adopted Demand Berger Be Seated in Congress and Denounce Recent Race Riots," by Herman Michelson [Sept. 3, 1919] The New York Call's day-by-day account of the Emergency National Convention of the Socialist Party in Chicago continues in this coverage of Day 5. Reporter Michelson emphasizes the recommendation of the convention's Press Committee that a nationwide Socialist press syndicate be established for the collective gathering of news on behalf of the daily press affiliated with the SPA -- standing at 10 papers and slated to rise to a dozen in the coming year. If there had been such an organization of the Socialist press, the present crisis in the party would have been averted, Press Committee chairman Eugene Woods claimed. Michelson also reports the findings of a special committee headed by Left Wing sympathizer Rose Weiss of New Jersey which was given the task of investigating whether the delegations of the "reorganized" states of Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, New York, and Michigan were packed by the party officialdom. "The committee found that 4 states were entitled to a representation of 69 and only 61 delegates seated on the floor of the convention," Michelson reports. The news account includes full text of the Press Committee Report as well as resolutions adopted in favor of Irish national liberation, condemning race rioting, and demanding the seated of elected Congressman Victor L. Berger by the House of Representatives, which had denied him his seat on political grounds.

 

"Party Manifesto Demands Amnesty and End of Blockade Against Russia Be Instituted by US Immediately: Document Reaffirming Solidarity with Revolutionary Workers of World Adopted Unanimously by National Socialist Convention at Chicago...: National Executive Committee Rebuked by Gathering for Expelling Language Federations and State Organizations Without Appealing to Their Members," by Herman Michelson [Sept. 4, 1919] During the 6th Day of the Socialist Party of America's Emergency National Convention in Chicago, the delegates unanimously adopted a manifesto of the party which New York Call reporter Herman Michelson characterizes as "the most revolutionary the party has ever drawn up, and one certain to bring back into the organization thousands of members temporarily outside of it, either because their local organizations were expelled or by reason of what Lenin has called 'the intoxication of the revolutionary phrase.'" Upon adoption of the document, "the convention broke into an ovation that lasted for several minutes, winding up with three cheers for the Socialist Party," Michelson notes. An extremely controversial supplemental report of the National Executive Committee was also delivered and debated, detailing the NEC's aggressive policy of suspensions and expulsions which stripped upwards of 70,000 members from the SPA's ranks in a few short months. The convention approved the report by a vote of 53 to 8, concurring that "the administration of discipline was necessary and justified, but feels that had the National Executive Committee made a sufficient effort to acquaint the membership of the suspended and expelled organizations with the facts and endeavored to have them repudiate their officials that many of the members now outside the party might have remained in." The view of William Henry of Indiana is cited as being typical of that of convention delegates: ""There is little doubt that the National Executive Committee was absolutely right in its action. But that action was very bad tactics."

 

"Dove of Peace Badly Treated by Communists: Two Factions Throw Charges of Treason at Each Other; Folks at Home Worried." (NY Call) [Sept. 4, 1919] This unsigned account from the pages of the Socialist Party daily the New York Call revisits the ongoing soap opera in the Communist movement to unite. The Communist Labor Party sought unification on the basis of organizational equality with the (larger) Communist Party of America, the report notes; meanwhile, "each convention declares that the other consists of inharmonious elements damned by both as centrist." The news account states that "when the CLP statement, full of counter-accusations, was read at the Communist Party convention yesterday morning there was considerable laughter. But the matter was taken up for caucus and careful consideration, for both sides realize that negotiations have reached a critical phase." Standing in the way of easy unity were matters of personality (active dislike of some leading members of each organization with their counterparts), the "strenuous objection to the domination of the Russian Federations" by the CLP, and organizational rules adopted by the CPA which would exclude from membership CLP leading light William Bross Lloyd and others deriving the whole of their income from rent, profit or interest. CPA convention committee members are listed, as is the New York delegation to the Communist Party's convention. The claimed representation of 14,900 New York members of the CPA is said to have been characterized as "grossly inflated" by both the Socialist Party and the rival CLP.

 

"Party Repudiates Berne Parley, Calls for New Conclave: Convention Goes on Record As Favoring Eugene Debs For Presidential Candidate in 1920 and Ends Its Sessions...: National Executive Officials Instructed to Appoint Committee of 7 to Draw Up Statement of Principles and Working Platform..." by Herman Michelson [Sept. 5, 1919] The final day of the Socialist Party Emergency National Convention is reviewed by the New York Call's reporter on the scene, Herman Michelson. During its 7th day, the convention delegates unanimously declared themselves in favor of Gene Debs as the party's Presidential standard-bearer in the coming 1920 campaign, but left the matter of formal nomination to a convention to be convened for that purpose in the coming year (the revised party constitution calling for annual conventions in lieu of the previous quadrennial gatherings). The issue of international affiliation was debated and a majority resolution adopted for referral to the party membership which called for SPA affiliation to a "reconstructed Socialist International" in which "only such organizations and parties should be given representation which declare their strict adherence by word and deed to the principle of the class struggle." The majority resolution added that "to such an international must be invited the Communist parties of Russia and Germany and those Socialist parties in all countries which subscribe to the principle of the class struggle. No party which participates in a movement coalition with parties of the bourgeoisie shall be invited." This majority resolution was ultimately defeated by vote of the party membership in favor of an even more radical minority resolution authored by Illinois delegates Louis Engdahl and Bill Kruse, calling for affiliation of the SPA to the Third International. A 7 member "provisional National Executive Committee, which is to function until the next national convention in 1920, or until a permanent committee is elected" was named by the convention, consisting of William Brandt, William Henry, John Hagel, Edmund Melms, James Oneal, George Roewer Jr., and Oliver Wilson. Substantial changes in the party constitution were made and referred to the membership for ratification by referendum, including a provision that the new Executive Secretary of the Party was to be named by the NEC rather than directly elected by the party membership, as had previously been the case.

 

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