"Fred Warren Convicted by a Packed Jury," by Eugene V. Debs [May 15, 1909] Radical journalism by Socialist publicist Eugene Debs of the Appeal to Reason editorial staff. In 1907, Appeal to Reason Editor Fred D. Warren sent out a mailer offering to pay a $1,000 reward for anyone capturing and returning fugitive ex-Governor Taylor to Kentucky, where he was under indictment for murder -- an attempt to ironically play upon the fact that the Supreme Court of the United States had earlier refused to rule on the legality of the kidnapping and transportation to Idaho of William D. Haywood, Charles Moyer, and George Pettibone of the Western Federation of Miners in a sensational and thoroughly politicized murder trial. Some two years later, in 1909,.a new Republican Governor of Kentucky had pardoned his predecessor freeing the federal government's hand to move against Editor Warren, charging him with violation of federal postal regulations. Debs charges that the federal marshal had packed the jury pool and that the post office inspector serving as the chief prosecution witness had lied under oath to influence the jury. In addition, Debs charges that the name of the recipient of the single letter which purportedly triggered the proceeding was a fictional creation of the authorities -- that no one had ever heard of "Pierson" of California, nor did any such name appeal on the mailing roles of The Appeal. "The fact is the prosecution had no evidence at all, or anything worthy to be called by that name. It was the flimsiest case ever tried outside of a mock court," Debs states. Despite the packed jury, division resulted in a 22 hour deliberation before a guilty verdict was returned, Debs notes.

 

"Trial and Conviction of Fred D. Warren: Summary of the Celebrated Case -- Liberty of the Press the Issue -- Two Years in the Federal Courts and the Motive Behind It," by Eugene V. Debs [May 22, 1909] This follow-up article on the sensational May 1909 trial of Appeal to Reason editor Fred Warren emphasizes the central issue of the affair -- freedom of the press. "The specific charge in the indictment was that Warren had violated the federal statute prohibiting the mailing of 'scurrilous, defamatory, and threatening matter.'" By no stretch of the imagination can the matter complained of be construed as having any such meaning," Debs states. Debs charges that the entire affair was little more than a premeditated political hit against the Appeal, noting that several costly continuances had been granted the prosecution and quoting an unnamed federal official who stated that "if The Appeal could be reached in no other way it could be kept in court indefinitely and loaded with fees and costs until 'the damned reptile was bled to death.'" Debs is emphatic that "Without The Appeal to Reason this case would never have been heard of. Warren might have deposited the same envelope in the post office every day to the end of his life and no grand jury would ever have dreamed of indicting him."

 

"Letter to Fred D. Warren in Girard, KS from Eugene V. Debs in Terre Haute, IN, circa June 8, 1909." This letter from Debs to Appeal to Reason Editor Fred Warren (not published in the 3 volume collection of Debs' letters) offers Debs' views on the sensational assertion made in the paper the previous week that federal authorities were planning a lawsuit against Debs and publisher Julius Wayland for libel for charging that the jury pool in the Warren trial had been hand-picked by the federal marshal to include all Republicans. Debs writes: "As for having libeled the marshal that is uproariously funny. If he brings that action I will give him his money's worth. I already know a good deal about him and his record and I have it very straight. I will make it my business to get the rest if he opens fire. My only concern in the case is The Appeal. For myself I do not care. I know they can send me to the pen if they want to, but that will matter very little. We are in this fight and it is just beginning and some of us will have to go and it might as well be myself as anybody else. But I am thinking about what effect it will have on The Appeal?" However, Debs believes that the government's backdoor effort to silence the country's biggest and most influential Socialist newspaper through trumped up legal actions will be unsuccessful. "The only consideration with the administration and its corporation supporters is the breaking of The Appeal and I'll stake anything I have that they can not do it. If the government brings these suits The Appeal will gain more than it will lose," Debs declares.

 

"Who is the Destroyer of Liberty?" by Elmer T. Allison [Jan. 14, 1920] ***REVISED EDITION*** Corrects error in the biographical footnote. This front page statement by Elmer T. Allison, editor of The Toiler, proclaims the death of "Liberty" and "Freedom" in the United States. Allison cites political raids and arrests which rendered the constitutional right of assembly a hollow mockery, the crushing of the steel strike by the organized forces of capital which belied any supposed right to organization of labor, and the denial of Victor Berger his Congressional seat and 5 New York Socialists their Assembly seats which abrogated the right of voters to elect representatives of their choice. Allison declares: "Capitalism knows no law but the law of its own will. It will without a quiver wreck its own laws when they stand in its way. It acknowledges but one law - the law of force. The workers must forge new weapons if they would win against entrenched and powerful capital. We know now that we can never win by merely 'gaining 51% of the ballots.' We now that capitalism has no more respect for majorities than it has for minorities.... To live, Labor must rule. And to rule, it must cease depending upon the 'rights' given by dead constitutions. It must by force of its invincible numbers write a Constitution in which only they who labor shall share."

 

"The Party Organization - 1: The Group and its Functions," by the United Communist Party [July 3, 1920] First of a three part series by the newly organized United Communist Party from its official organ explaining details of organizational structure to the party membership. This article deals with the primary party unit of the UCP -- the "group" of approximately 10 members (and not fewer than 5, whenever possible). Groups were primarily organized on a territorial basis, alternatively on the basis of their members speaking the same language, and were to each elect a "group organizer" to serve as the conduit of dues, instructions, and party publications with the next higher level of the organization. Shop organization is regarded as an important task for the future with a view to forming "industrial groups": "When 2 or more party members are employed in the same place or are members of the same union, they should constitute themselves a committee for the conduct of propaganda in that shop or union. As new members are found in the shops or unions, they should be added to the existing committee or constitute a committee together with the original party worker, and as these committees increase to at least 5 members, they will constitute industrial groups of the party."

 

"The Party Organization - 2: The Group Organizer," by the United Communist Party [July 17, 1920] Second of a three part series by the newly organized United Communist Party from its official organ explaining details of organizational structure to the party membership. This installment deals with the NCOs of the party apparatus -- the "group organizers" elected by each primary party unit. Group organizers and their elected alternates were charged with memorizing and keeping track of the names and addresses of members of the underground groups. They were to collect and forward the 75 cent monthly dues to their contacts at the next higher level of party organization ("branch organizers"), from whom they were to receive party communications and publications for distribution to group members. Group organizers were also to transmit comments and criticism about party policies made by rank and file group members up the administrative ladder. Up to 10 group organizers were to combined as a "branch committee," which was to elect its own "branch organizer" to serve as a conduit with the next higher level of party organization. "Whether the group functions efficiently in carrying on the work of the party is largely dependent upon the group organizer," the article notes.

 

"The Negro Question in America: Speech at the 2nd World Congress of the Communist International," by John Reed [July 25, 1920] Speech by the Communist Labor Party's man in Moscow, John Reed, to the 2nd Congress of the Comintern in Moscow on the so-called Negro Question in America. Ten million American blacks, concentrated mostly in the South, had been held in subjugation with no legal rights, Reed asserts -- not seriously organized either by the AF of L unions or the Socialist Party and facing segregation and the lawlessness of lynching. It was only after the Spanish-American war, in which black troops had served with equal capacity to white troops, that "aggressive class consciousness" emerged among American blacks, Reed states. It was during this war in which a movement emerged for social and political equality. The enlistment of half a million black Americans in the armed forces during the European war further accelerated this trend, Reed indicates, with a simultaneous mass migration of blacks from the rural South to the industrial North to work in the factories. "The return of the army from the front threw many millions of white workers on to the labor market all at once. The result was unemployment, and the demobilized soldiers' impatience took such threatening proportions that the employers were forced to tell the soldiers that their jobs had been taken by Negroes in order thus to incite the whites to massacre the Negroes," Reed declares. Race riots followed in Washington, DC, Chicago, Omaha, and elsewhere. "In all these fights the Negroes showed for the first time in history that they are armed and splendidly organized and are not at all afraid of the whites," Reed declares. "If we consider the Negroes as an enslaved and oppressed people, then they pose us with two tasks: on the one hand a strong racial movement and on the other a strong proletarian workers' movement, whose class consciousness is quickly growing. The Negroes do not pose the demand of national independence," Reed asserts.

 

"The Party Organization - 3: Other Party Officials and Committees," by the United Communist Party [July 31, 1920] Third of a three part series by the newly organized United Communist Party from its official organ explaining details of organizational structure to the party membership. The article deals with the branch committees and their elected organizer, which passed collected dues and rank and file comments upward to the Sub-District Organizer (SDO) and transmitted party directives and publications downward to the group organizers. The largest Sub-Districts, containing 750 or 1000 members or more were to have an additional layer of administration called a "section," combining up to 10 branches. SDOs were to be appointed by the District Committee and to work under the supervision of the Sub-District Committee, composed of the various branch (or section) organizers. Each Sub-District was to hold a semi-annual conference. It was the duty of SDOs to extend the organization into unorganized cities and towns by finding and enlisting sympathetic individuals into the party and establishing group organizations. The top layer of decentralized party leadership was to be the District Organizers (DOs) appointed by the Central Executive Committee to head the 11 districts of the UCP. The DOs were to be important administrators, "equal in importance to that which the National Secretary held in the open organizations," according to the article, adding that "they must maintain a close contact with every sub-district in their territory, visit these sub-districts from time to time and see that the work of the party is performed properly. In cooperation with the District Committees they must develop organization plans and put them into practice."

 

"Letter from the Central Executive Committee of the United Communist Party in New York to the Executive Committee of the Communist International in Moscow, August 12, 1920." This letter to the Comintern from the governing Central Executive Committee of the United Communist Party of America acknowledges the receipt of a mandate for unity between the Communist Labor Party and the Communist Party of America and presents the case that the formation of the UCP represents the fulfillment of this instruction. However "a minority faction of the Communist Party still stands outside this unity. This faction is composed of part of the membership of the Lettish [Latvian], Ukrainian, Russian, and Lithuanian Federations of the Communist Party," the UCP letter declares. Various party policies of the new organization are delineated for the Comintern, including "unlimited struggle for the overthrow of the power of the bourgeoisie and the establishment of the power of the working class" and a staunch industrial unionist orientation hostile to the AF of L and supportive of the IWW as the best organizational type for the pursuit of this goal. "At this time, unfortunately, this general propaganda of the IWW has discredited this organization among the Communists; but it is yet to be seen whether the IWW membership will longer tolerate this propaganda. It is important for us to bring into the IWW an understanding of Communism, through our educational work and through the influence of the Communists who now belong to the IWW. As things now stand it is impossible for the United Communist Party to act in association with the IWW," the letter states. Foreign language organization was to be limited to propaganda organizations under central control and the structure of the organization was to be "on an illegal basis only," according to the letter.

 

"The World Congress of the Communist International," by John Reed [circa Sept. 1, 1920] This article from the official organ of the United Communist Party would seem to be the last piece of authentic journalism written by the Communist Labor Party's Moscow representative, John Reed (Reed dying of typhus about 7 weeks after these words were written). Reed states that the 2nd Congress of the Comintern, recently completed, was "actually its first congress," with the organizational meeting of the previous year "only a propaganda committee, with a handful of delegates." Reed states that the 2nd Congress "was remarkable for the number of real proletarians, of actual workmen-fighters-strikers, barricade-defenders and of active leaders of the revolutionary nationalist movements in backward and colonial countries," containing representatives from communist parties from around the globe. Reed explains the basic political line of the Communist International -- for centralization and discipline and with stringent rules for admittance. The National and Colonial Problem loomed large at the Congress, Reed notes, and he details some of the activities on the committee on that subject chaired by Lenin, on which Reed served. The Trade Union Question is said to have been the most divisive at the Congress, and Reed describes the obstacles faced by the American and British delegations in attempting to alter the Comintern's position on the matter, which was oriented towards boring from within existing unions rather than the establishment of new (often parallel) industrial unions. The American and British industrial unionists "agreed that it was foolish to leave the unions so long as the masses remained in them, and we also agreed that it was necessary to work in the craft unions, not to capture them, however, but to smash them, and to build industrial unions -- both as fighting instruments and as the future organs for the administration of industry," Reed states. The CI position on parliamentarism is also discussed.

 

"The Enemy Within," by Bertha Hale White [March 1923] This article by Socialist Party Assistant Executive Secretary Bertha Hale White makes an explicit charge against Alexander Stoklitsky, Translator-Secretary of the Russian Socialist Federation of the Socialist Party in 1919, accusing him of being "a secret employee of a detective bureau" who worked to disrupt and disorganize the Socialist Party in conjunction with Louis Fraina, who is himself characterized as "an undercover man for the Department of Justice." White offers not a whit of concrete evidence in support of her spy-mania. Instead she recounts the disputed party of election of 1919, in which 30,000 printed ballots are said to have vanished and a Left Wing rebellion is said to have been run from Stoklitsky's office at SP headquarters in Chicago. White melodramatically declares: "The knowledge of Stoklitsky's treachery came with peculiar bitterness. While his rude and boorish manner made it impossible to associate with him without irritation, he had enjoyed the unqualified confidence of the National Office and no suspicion of him had stayed his hand while he scattered the seeds of dissension and hatred. All the tyranny and persecution of the war could not shatter the Socialist Party. Stoklitsky, agent provocateur, had more efficient methods. In less than a year after he come into the National Office he had accomplished the task assigned him by the enemies of the Socialist Party. In the midst of fratricidal strife the Communist and Communist Labor Parties were organized and the Socialist Party cleft to its foundations. Stoklitsky, glorious leader of the 'Left,' was the final authority in all the newest modes and fashions of the 'revolution' and for a little while no one could aspire to recognition or distinction in those circles who failed of his approval. Then came the red raids. Stoklitsky, arrested and indicted with countless others, slipped casually through the police net and disappeared. His mission was fulfilled for the Socialist Party was disrupted and the 'red menace' had thoroughly hoaxed the American public."

 

"Letter to Otto Branstetter, Executive Secretary of the Socialist Party of America in Chicago from J.G. Brown, Secretary of the Farmer-Labor Party of the US in Chicago, April 11, 1923." This letter from the Secretary of the Farmer-Labor Party to the Executive Secretary of the Socialist Party invites the latter to elect delegates to the forthcoming July 3 national convention of the FLP. Brown writes: "In the past, as you know, the farmers and city workers have been either divided in numerous minority parties with competing candidates at election time or have supported the candidates of one of the old parties. Where the latter course has been followed it has been with the hope that if friendly candidates were elected consideration would be given to the political demands of both divisions of labor. Nearly all agree that results from any of the plans so far tried have not been satisfactory. All felt the methods followed were justified as being the best under the circumstances. Many have waited and hoped that some group would take the step now being taken by the Farmer-Labor Party and invite all organizations and all parties to a convention where this grave situation might be dispassionately discussed and, if possible, ways and means found for solidifying political power of the workers as has been done in other countries." The Socialist Party is asked to forward a list of delegates to the convention and additionally to contribute "any amount you can send" to help defray the substantial costs of the convention.

 

"Report of the Jewish Alliance: Delivered to the National Convention of the Socialist Party, New York -- May 19-22, 1923," by Alexander Kahn This is the report of the Jewish Socialist Verband (JSV) to the 1923 annual convention of the Socialist Party. Kahn reports that the former Jewish Socialist Federation had fallen into the hands of "a group which was not sincere enough to withstand the crisis in the Socialist Party, and not foolish nor mad enough to join the Communists." The national office of the Federation, official organ, and membership rolls had been lost and the JSV forced to organize from scratch. The group seceding from the SP had attempted to win control of the Jewish Daily Forward, the Jewish trade union movement, and the Workmen's Circle as well, Kahn notes, but had been turned back in their efforts. The JSV had established its own organ, Der Wecker, and its ranks had grown from 250 to about 800 in the subsequent 2 years. Kahn likens the disproportionately strong influence of the JSV to the influence of the Independent Labour Party in Great Britain: "As compared to the rest of the movement the membership is small. But nothing is done in the Jewish labor movement without the cooperation or leadership of the Verband."

 

"Report of the Jugoslav Federation on the 4th Convention of the JSZ: Chicago -- May 27-29, 1923," by Frank Petrich [end of May 1923] Report to the Socialist Party of the 1923 convention of the Yugoslav Federation, Socialist Party (JSV) by the Secretary of the organization, a leading Slovenian Socialist. The JSV convention was attended by 21 regular and 17 other delegates. It passed resolutions following those of the 1923 Socialist Party Convention as well as an extensive supplemental resolution on the Immigration Question, reproduced here. Legislation was recommended guaranteeing immigrant workers the right to move from job to job, banning importation of labor for the purposes of strikebreaking, and easing the process of naturalization of immigrants into American citizenship. Also includes an excerpt of the resolution on the Yugoslav situation, in which the lack of self-determination of peoples (previously touted during the war years) is decried.

 

"Reply to the Farmer-Labor Party: A Letter to J.G. Brown, Secretary of the Farmer-Labor Party of the United States from a Committee of the Socialist Party of America, circa June 1, 1923," by William Henry et al. Official reply of the Socialist Party to the April 11, 1923, invitation of the Farmer-Labor Party for the SP to send delegates to its June 3 convention in Chicago. The Socialist Party declines to attend: "The Socialist Party fully agrees with the Farmer-Labor Party as to the desirability of uniting the workers on the political field. The only question is how soon and by what means this end can best be attained. A necessary condition to the establishment of a really powerful political party of the working class is the active support of at least a majority of the great trade unions. Unless there is assurance that this support is now obtainable, any attempt at this time to effect the proposed "unity of the political forces of the entire working class" would result in disappointment. Is there reason to believe that a sufficient number of powerful national and international unions favor independent political action at the present time? We wish that we could answer this question in the affirmative. Candor compels us to admit that, while there are evidences of widespread discontent with the parties of capitalism within the ranks of Organized Labor, comparatively few of the great unions are yet ready to take the decisive step of launching a working class party on a national scale." The situation was seen as fluid however: "We are convinced that working class opinion is fast evolving in this direction, influenced thereto by the logic of events as well as by the arguments of those who already advocate independent political action. We think, however, that it would be a mistake to force the issue prematurely, or to take such action as might give a delusive appearance of political unity of the whole working class without the reality."

 

"Black Persecution," by Eugene V. Debs [Feb. 20, 1926] In this article by the Socialist Party's ceremonial "Chairman," Eugene Debs, the problem of racism is again raised, using as the foil the legal lynching of a black Kentuckian recently tried, convicted, and sentenced to death for rape and murder in less than 16 minutes. A bloodthirsty mob of so-called Christians surrounded the courthouse, intent on assuring by scarcely concealed threat of violence the maintenance of white supremacy in the region. Debs charges that in contrast "Many and many a Negro girl, scarcely out of her childhood, has been seduced, raped, assaulted by a Nordic gentleman (!) with a white skin, but it has never been necessary to order out the state militia to protect him against the avenging wrath of his Christian fellow-citizens." He declares that "the whole history of the Negro race in America is one to make the white race blush scarlet with shame. From the time the poor black man was seized in his native land by the brutal kidnapper of the slave-trader, loaded into a boat like a beast and on landing sold like one from the auction block; from that time to the 'Jim Crow' car has been one continuous shameless persecution of the Negro..."Debs states that it is certain that the mob was "without exception" a group of so-called "100% Americans." He adds that "there were few, if any, "ignorant and vicious foreigners" milling around madly intent upon the feast of blood. They were chiefly if not wholly native to the soil, having from the beginning enjoyed all the advantages of Christian culture, and having never been, like the poor Negro, kept under the lash, exploited, robbed, degraded in every possible way to make possible the blessings of such culture and civilization for the white race."

 

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