"Constitution of the Christian Socialist Fellowship: Adopted at the First Annual Conference, Louisville, KY -- June 18, 1906." Basic document of organizational law of the Christian Socialist Fellowship, adopted by the group's founding conference held in Louisville, Kentucky. This first constitution remained in effect without changes until the 4th Conference in May 1909. The document is short and extremely basic, calling for annual conferences of the organization, with administration handled by a Secretary, Treasurer, and a National Executive Committee of 50 -- a quorum of which is defined as being 5 plus the two executive officers. According to the constitution, the purpose of the CSF is "to permeate churches, denominations, and other religious institutions with the social message of Jesus; to show that Socialism is the necessary economic expression of the Christian life; to end the class struggle by establishing industrial democracy; and to hasten the reign of justice and brotherhood upon earth." Membership is held open to any individual (not necessarily a member of the Socialist Party) who agrees to this object and provides his name and annual dues of "at least $1" to the Secretary of the organization.

 

"Shall the Two Parties Unite?" by Carl D. Thompson [Feb. 15, 1908] The years 1907 and 1908 saw an effort by the Left Wing of the Socialist Party to bring about unity between that organization and the Socialist Labor Party. This concentrated effort of course drew a response from those opposing the revolutionary Socialist agenda. One prominent Socialist who was particularly outspoken in his opposition to the proposal was Wisconsin state organizer Carl D. Thompson, who contributed this two-part article to the constructive Socialist organ The Christian Socialist. Thompson outlines the turbulent history of the Socialist Labor Party and its various "unity" efforts of the past -- with the anarchist movement, with the Greenback Labor movement, with the Henry George campaign. These efforts at a unity of weakness are contrasted with the early history of the Socialist Party, which built its organizational size and strength through an essential and timely split with the utopian communalists who had won the day at the convention of 1898. Thompson declares that the SLP had been responsible for disruption with the labor movement with its dualist Socialist Trades & Labor Alliance and support of the Industrial Workers of the World; that it held a sectarian position on the agrarian question, which had served as inspiration for a long-running melee in the Socialist Party of Nebraska; and undermined party democracy, State Autonomy, and freedom of the press through its dogmatic belief in party ownership of the press and strict party centralization. The addition of the SLP en masse to the ranks of the Socialist Party would additionally bolster the "Impossibilist" wing of the party, in Thompson's view, thus setting back the work of years to lessen the influence of this wing in the party's councils. "Therefore if these people wish to join the Socialist Party the door is open to them as individuals, the same as to all others. By accepting our platform, our program, constitution, and tactics, they may come in. And upon no other ground. For them to propose any other bears upon its face a sinister suggestion. Let them apply as others do to the individual branches. And let the branches be the judge of their individual fitness and right as in the case with all others," Thompson concludes.

 

"The Party Referendum," by E.E. Carr [Jan. 1, 1909] This article by Rev. E.E. Carr, editor of The Christian Socialist, demonstrates that there was a tradition of inner-party factional campaigning within the Socialist Party years before the abrogated National Executive Committee election of 1919 -- which was set aside by the outgoing NEC on the various pretexts of factional membership organization within the party, existence of slates and bloc voting, and purported election fraud. Carr endorses the re-election of Victor Berger, Carl Thompson, Graham Phelps-Stokes, and John Work -- considering the re-election of Morris Hillquit, Algie Simons, and A.H. Floaten assured. Carr also lends his support to the re-election campaign of J. Mahlon Barnes as Executive Secretary of the party, noting that "he has been faithful, fair, and efficient in that office..." Seemingly without noting the contradiction of his own factional organization in order to defeat factional organization, Carr notes that "a freer and more general comment in all our papers concerning the fitness of candidates would be decidedly helpful to the party, and it is the only way to prevent dangerous cliques. Some who oppose an open discussion of these matters are the very ones who are most incessant at star-chamber scheming -- and open discussions are likely to upset their secret plans!"

 

"Constitution of the Christian Socialist Fellowship: Adopted at the 4th General Conference, Toledo, OH -- May 29, 1909." The controversial 4th General Conference of the Christian Socialist Fellowship attempted to ameliorate a growing factional controversy between its feuding New York and Chicago affiliates. It also enacted this new constitution for the organization, which at this time had approximately 525 members. The new constitution once again depicted the class struggle as a problem to be rectified rather than an immutable part of capitalism, expressing the object of the CSF as follows: "To proclaim Socialism to churches and other religious organizations; to show the necessity of Socialism to the complete triumph of Christianity; to end the class struggle by establishing industrial and political democracy; and to hasten the reign of justice and brotherhood -- the Kingdom of God on earth." Under the new constitution, dues were raised and made payable monthly and the structure and role of local, district, and state organizations were defined for the first time. The size of the governing General Executive Committee was additionally cut in half, from 50 to 25 members.

 

"The Crisis and the Socialist Party," by Louis C. Fraina [Nov. 30, 1918] This article from an early issue of The Revolutionary Age by editor Louis Fraina moves the focus of the publication from European events to the situation in America. Fraina saw the European situation as "more potential of great success or infinite disaster," with the European proletariat in the process of "preparing itself for the final struggle against Capitalism and Imperialism." Reaction to the European situation was marshaling its forces in America, according to Fraina; however, he adds, "In this crisis, the Socialist Party as represented by its national administration, is not measuring to the opportunity." Fraina declares that "Never, in the history of the world, have more momentous events developed than during the past two months. The crash of thrones and of Capitalism, the coming of peace with all its hopes and fears, the development of revolutionary Socialism in action, the emergence of the international class struggle between Socialism and Capitalism -- these are unprecedented historical events, the realization in life of the concepts of Socialism. Two months -- in which hours represented years, in which every minute issued a call to international Socialism -- and our National Executive Committee has been silent, inert." Fraina calls for the convocation of an Emergency National Convention of the Socialist Party as "the only body that can adequately express the attitude of the membership on the momentous events that are at present shaping the destiny of the generations to come."

 

"Constitution of the United Communist Party of America." [May 31, 1920] Basic document of organizational law of the United Communist Party, formed during the last week of May 1920 through the amalgamation of the Communist Labor Party of America with the Chicago-based Ruthenberg faction of the Communist Party of America. The object of the organization is said to be "the organization and education of the workers for the overthrow of the capitalist state, the establishment of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, the abolition of the capitalist system, and the development of the Communist society." The constitution continues the four level, small group form of the two underground parties, in which representatives of (no more than 10 member) "groups" were combined into (no more than 10 member) "branches," no more than 10 of which were to constitute a "sub-district," no more than 10 of which were in turn to constitute a "district." The organization was to be governed by a 10 member Central Executive Committee elected by the party's annual convention. The UCP eliminated semi-autonomous language federations from the organizational scheme, instead allowing language branches which were to work together in district-level "propaganda groups." The party's initiation fee was $1 (payable to the center) and monthly dues 75 cents (receipted in stamps).

 

"Program of the United Communist Party of America." [May 31, 1920] The founding convention of the United Communist Party adopted this extremely lengthy "program," restating the international situation and the role of the Communists in it. The world was in chaos and nearing collapse, in the view of the UCP: "In a large part of Europe capitalist society is no longer able to function so as to produce even the bare necessities of life. Millions are starving; semi-starvation has long been the normal lot of the working masses of Europe and Asia. Even in the United States, with all the fabulous wealth of capitalism, government statistics show that in the year 1920 more than half the workers' families are undernourished, millions to the point of slow starvation." Hundreds of billions of dollars had been wasted in the waging of the 4 years of European war, and hundreds of billions more had been forfeited due to lost production and property damage. Debt and inflation had been the result -- further undermining the ability of the capitalist world to recover. A League of Nations had emerged, which sought to make use of "semi-barbarian mercenaries" to restore capitalism, according to the UCP. To this had been posited the Communist International, which "calls the workers of the world to the defense of the accomplished proletarian revolution in Russia and for its extension into every other country... The Communist International unites all the conscious revolutionary forces -- it issues the call for the final struggle against Capitalism." In America, the UCP, as the American section of the Comintern, would maintain an unbending revolutionary course, "the uncompromising class struggle under all circumstances and refuse to cooperate with groups or parties not committed to the revolutionary class struggle, such as the Labor Party, Socialist Party, Socialist Labor Party, Non-Partisan League, Municipal Ownership Leagues, and the like." The party would additionally join in "the mass strikes of the workers" as a means of developing "the revolutionary understanding and action through which the workers will achieve Communism." The UCP Program declares that "No ruling class in history has given up its power without a bitter struggle. The final arbiter in the struggle between the classes which is written across the pages of history is force. The working class must prepare itself for this conflict." To this end the party must at the appropriate juncture lead in the formation of workers' Councils en route to the establishment of the "Dictatorship of the Proletariat," the program asserts. "There is but one solution for the ills of capitalist society, but one way for the workers to achieve freedom and human life - the way of the Revolution and the Workers' Dictatorship!" the document concludes.

 

"My Interview with Debs in his Prison," by James H. Maurer [event of Sept. 1, 1921] First-hand account of a Sept. 1, 1921 visit by Socialist Party leader James Maurer to Gene Debs at Atlanta Federal Penitentiary, quoting an extensive letter written to Socialist Party Executive Secretary Otto Branstetter at the time. "What made the greatest impression on me was Gene's mental and physical condition. He has a healthy color, looks like a farmer, tanned as though he had worked on a farm. I mentioned to him that he looked as though he was enjoying good health, and he assured me that he was feeling fine. As to his mental faculties, I can truthfully say they are as keen as ever. All this talk about his being a mental wreck is rot," Maurer writes. Branstetter and Maurer had been concerned about the efforts of the Communists to win Debs' allegiance. "From my conversation with Gene I feel sure that the "impossibilists" have not succeeded in fooling him. We talked about the much-heralded revolution which is now years overdue, and we both enjoyed a good laugh. I asked him not to commit himself to any 'ism' until he had an opportunity of looking the field over after his discharge, and his answer was that I could rest easy on that point," Maurer writes.

 

"Railroads Try New Tack in Laying Wreck Blame." [news report in Milwaukee Leader, Aug. 22, 1922] One of the contemporary factors driving the anti-communist frenzy in the North Central United States in 1922 was the sensational wreck of the "million dollar express" of the Michigan Central Railroad in August. This news account in Victor Berger's Milwaukee Leader reports that the crash took place when the train derailed while traveling 60 mph, killing the engineer and fireman and injuring 2 others. The aftermath of the derailment left a long section of rails with the spikes pulled -- and sabotage related to the ongoing railroad shopmen's strike was immediately suspected, and a $1,000 reward offered "for the arrest of persons responsible." The event was used as a pretext for the invasion of the office of William Z. Foster's Trade Union Educational League in Chicago, the article reports, adding that "Foster was not in his office at the time of the raid. Authorities claimed they also discovered 'revolutionary propaganda' which indicated 'an organized plan to back the shopmen's strike and further disorders in other unions.'"

 

"Rotten Engine, Not Propaganda Caused Wreck, Men Reply." [news report in Milwaukee Leader, Aug. 23, 1922] Follow-up article in Victor Berger's Milwaukee Leader on the sensation crash of the Michigan Central Railroad's "million dollar express," blamed by the railroad on sabotage. This article reports that in response railroad workers had come out with the declaration that "it was not 'radical propaganda,' but an unfit locomotive that caused the wreck. They characterized the accusation as a hastily patched-up explanation to place the blame for loss of life upon the striking shopmen instead of the railroad, where it belongs." According to J.F. McGrath, Vice President of the Railway Employees' Department of the AF of L, the Michigan Central wreck was not the result of terrorism, but rather bore all the same marks of other similar wrecks. "Sharp or broken flanges cause an engine to ride the rails," McGrath declared, adding "It is customary, when qualified inspectors are employed, for them to report such defects.... we have accurate reports from many roads showing that not 5 percent of the usual number of wheels have been replaced since July 1 [1922] and lack of inspection places the whole burden of rejected defective wheels on the train crew." Reporting on details of the Michigan Central wreck had been contradictory, McGrath stated, adding that the existence of sections of rail with drawn spikes did not prove sabotage, since "it is agreed that a long section of track was torn up after the engine left the rails... Drawn spikes and torn up tracks are regularly caused when a heavy engine rides the rails."

 

"W.Z. Foster, 'Pursued in Michigan,' Wasn't There: 'Truckload of Literature' Proves Two Small Record Files and Thus Capitalist Journalism Scores Twice," by Carl Haessler [Aug. 25, 1922] This Federated Press news report mocks the assertion of Michigan authorities that union leader William Z. Foster had attended and addressed the underground convention of the Communist Party of America, held Aug.17-22, 1922 near Bridgman. "At the moment that the raiders were stated by the newspapers to have been closing in on an alleged Communist convention in Berrien County, Mich., Foster was in the Cook County courthouse in conference with Assistant State's Attorney Jonas. He was attempting to obtain the return of the records taken from the office of the Trade Union Educational League in a raid the night of Aug. 20 [1922]," Haessler asserts. Haessler calls news reports in the bourgeois press that Foster had attended the Michigan Communist convention "lurid" and "fairy tales." Haessler asserts that the Aug. 20 raid on the TUEL office had been grossly misreported, that only "two small record files were taken" and that it was believed that "the real purpose of the raid was to embarrass the national conference of the league scheduled for Saturday [Aug. 26, 1922]." Includes also excerpts from the reporting of the Bridgman raid published in the Chicago Tribune and filed by United Press International -- held up by Haessler for ridicule but actually more reflective of reality than Haessler's erroneous assertion that Foster had not been present.

 

"The Sad Tale of Tomsky Sawyerovich," by William M. Fiegenbaum [Sept. 12, 1922] This mocking article by William Feigenbaum, distributed by the Socialist Party's press service, likens the behavior of the American Communist movement to the farcical and melodramatic shenanigans of Mark Twain's fictional character, Tom Sawyer. Fiegenbaum calls the Communists "another crop of children running around loose who are playing another game; it is more elaborate, more costly, a little sillier, and the children who are playing it are a little older and they ought to be able to have something more serious to do with their time, but they're also having an amazing good time about it in spite of it all." Fiegenbaum declares that "These childish romanticists in the United States, having read about the fun they used to have in Russia, proceeded to do the same thing here.... it isn't against the law here to organize a political party; it isn't against the law to teach political principles. It isn't against the law to publish newspapers that openly proclaim what one believes -- even though those laws may have lately been more honored in the breach than in the observance." However, Fiegenbaum observes, "these later day Tom Sawyers won't have it that way," instead lurking about at secret conventions in the Michigan woods, where they might receive their patently obvious political directions from romantic authority figures from abroad.

 

"The Secret is Out," by Otto Branstetter [March 1923] This article by Socialist Party Executive Secretary Otto Branstetter attempts to make political hay out of the Workers Party's attempt to gain admittance in the Conference for Progressive Political Action, ostensibly to work alongside organizations upon which they had for years poured venom and vilification, such as the Socialist Party, the Farmer-Labor Party, AF of L unions, and the Committee of 48. This effort at admission to the CPPA had been turned back by the Socialists, causing Louis Engdahl to protest on behalf of the Workers Party. Branstetter mockingly remarks that "the matter is now perfectly clear. The aggregation of camouflaged communists and government agents known as the Workers Party is revolutionary because it wants to affiliate with the 'yellow' Socialist Party. The Socialist Party is reactionary because it won't let them. What a shame!" Branstetter also smirks that "Another decided difference has been brought to light by the testimony of Ruthenberg at the Bridgman trial. Ruthenberg quoted Lenin as saying that all talk of armed insurrection in the United States at present is 'nonsensical.' That settles it. The difference between a Socialist and a Communist is that the Socialist knew this all the time and said so -- which made him 'yellow'; the Communist didn't know it until Lenin told him, which makes him 'red.'"

 

"Rebuilding the Socialist Party," by James Oneal [Oct. 1923] This article by Socialist Party leader James Oneal attempts to spin the SPA's precipitous decline in membership as a normal aspect of a labor movement in retreat across the country. "One striking fact regarding working class organizations since the end of the World War is that all of them, conservative and radical, have suffered a heavy loss in membership," writes Oneal, noting the American Federation of Labor had shed over 1 million members, falling from 4 million to under 3 million in the years 1919-1923. Oneal fails to note the magnitude of the SPA's catastrophic decline, with the party losing approximately 90% of its members during the same interval -- an avalanche triggered in large part by NEC member Oneal's own motions and votes to suspend 7 foreign language federations and various state party organizations in 1919. "The Socialist Party also lost members. Government and 'patriotic' persecution destroyed many branches. Communism destroyed many more. Now we have reached the period of party building," Oneal blandly states and optimistically concludes. Oneal sees hope in the experience of the British fraternal party of the SPA, the Independent Labour Party, which had emerged from its own demoralization and funk to provide 32 elected Members of Parliament, including Ramsay MacDonald as Labour Party speaker in Commons. "What the ILP has done the Socialist Party can do," Oneal declares.

 

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