"The Socialist Party's Appeal," by Eugene V. Debs [Oct. 24, 1912] This 1912 campaign statement by Socialist Party Presidential nominee Gene Debs appeared in the pages of The Independent -- a mainstream news weekly. Debs declares that for the first time since the abolition of slavery "a great moral question cleaves the political atmosphere of this nation." The choice is stark, Debs indicates: "Either capitalism, with its gorgeous wealth and power for its successful devotees and owners, and its brutal, degrading struggle for existence for its workers, will write 'esto perpetua' upon the scroll of Time and this civilization will enter eclipse and decline, as have the civilizations of every previous age, or else capitalism will surrender the scepter of power to socialism and the race will progress to heights undreamed and establish a civilization as far in advance of capitalism in its beneficence to mankind as capitalism is in advance of savagery." Debs' analysis is Lassallean in essence, nary a word being uttered about trade unionism (in marked contrast to Debs' orientation in the first decade of the century), while salvation is held to lie in the transference of political power."The Socialist calls upon his brother worker to join him in the overthrow of capitalism through capturing the powers of government and legally transferring the ownership of the world from capitalism to socialism.... It invites them to seize political power in the name of the working class, and to legally write their own economic emancipation proclamation," Debs declares.

 

"The IWW Scare," by Jack Carney [July 26, 1918] This editorial by future member of the NEC of the Communist Labor Party Jack Carney in the pages of Duluth Truth appeals to Socialist Party members to support the Industrial Workers of the World in their time of need. The specter of the IWW had been used by the capitalists as a bogey to split the working class, Carney asserts. "Get out and prove your loyalty to your class. If you allow the IWW to march down the plank of capitalist oppression, then stop and pause for a moment, for your turn is next. Self-preservation commands you to stand by the IWW now, when your time comes do not whine if the gods show you as little mercy as they are showing the IWW," Carney states. Carney urges his readers to each send a dollar to the IWW for their legal defense fund and declares: "By all the powers that be, you have GOT to help. It is your bounden duty. If you fail, then tear up your card and hide your head in shame. For let it be known that in the fight for human liberty, you stood idly by and allowed the wolves of capitalism to tear your own fellow-workers limb from limb." Includes photo of Jack Carney.

 

"The Michigan Convention," by W.E. Reynolds [event of Feb. 24, 1919] This news report by CLP charter member W.E. Reynolds from the pages of the Left Wing weekly, The Ohio Socialist, sheds light on the unique and turbulent history on the Socialist Party of Michigan. On Feb. 24, 1919, 51 delegates gathered in Grand Rapids for the state convention of the Socialist Party of Michigan, Reynolds notes. The convention was a "harmonious gathering of boosters, the utopian element being either absent or without spokesmen," Reynolds indicates. Michigan State Secretary Bloomenberg resigned and was replaced by former State Secretary John Keracher (future founder and leader of the Proletarian Party). "A platform was adopted without any immediate demands and calling for the abolition of the wages system," Reynolds notes, and an amendment to the national SPA constitution calling for an end to such social reform planks on the national level proposed. "The convention adopted a part of the Left Wing program in its centering the attention of the abolition of capitalism instead of working for petty reform -- but it did not adopt the Left Wing program of urging economic organization amongst the workers," Reynolds observes.

 

"Letter to Adolph Germer, Executive Secretary SPA, in Chicago from Fred Krafft, Member NEC SPA, in Ridgefield, NJ, July 29, 1919." This brief note from Socialist Party National Executive Committee member Fred Krafft to Executive Secretary Adolph Germer illuminates the politics behind the scenes leading to the suspension of the entire Socialist Party of Ohio by the outgoing NEC (which was to have retired according to the party constitution as of July 1, 1919). Krafft writes: "You ask me to wait a few days with the motion which I made to revoke the charter of Ohio. Let me say that I regret very much not to have made this motion several weeks ago, and especially so since reading the action of the 'new' NEC. These fellows mean business and they proceed regardless of what we think about their actions, and it is high time to disregard their opinions in whatever we do, or contemplate to do. If the NEC deserves any censure in the entire controversy, it is because of its misplaced tolerance and hesitancy."

 

"Report to the National Executive Committee, Socialist Party of America," by Adolph Germer [August 27, 1919] Extensive "State of the Party" report by Executive Secretary Adolph Germer of the Socialist Party to the members of the outgoing NEC on the eve of the 1919 Emergency National Convention. Germer provides state-by-state assessments for Michigan, Massachusetts, Minnesota, and Ohio -- the critical regions of conflict between the Regular and the Left Wing factions. Germer recounts developments in the struggle of the provisional NEC to obtain control of party headquarters from Germer. He notes that the Left Wing had rented a hall and committee room in the same building being used by the SPA for its Emergency National Convention for three days, Sept. 1-3. "The reasons for renting a hall and rooms in the same building in which the National Convention is held, of course, are obvious and need no comment," Germer states. Germer makes specific recommendations about the party constitution, conventions, international relations, dues, and the place of the language federations. With regard to the latter, Germer indicates that "One of two things should be done, either the language federations should be made autonomous bodies and have a working relation with the Socialist Party, or the federations as such should be abolished and the propaganda and organization work should be conducted by language organizers employed directly by the party and under the control of the party." Germer provides a summary of financial affairs which shows the party over $20,000 in debt -- mostly owed for the recent purchase of party headquarters and to the party's women's propaganda fund, which had been raided to balance the budget. Of particular value is a state-by-state summary of actually paid dues by month for the period January to July 1919. These statistics indicate that with all the suspensions, expulsions, and a dues strike by the Left Wing, between April and July paid membership in the SPA had plummeted from well over 100,000 to just under 40,000.

 

"Circular Letter to All Branches and Locals of the Communist Party of America from C.E. Ruthenberg, Executive Secretary, Oct. 7, 1919." This recently-surfaced circular letter by CPA Executive Secretary C.E. Ruthenberg outlines his party's side of the argument with the Communist Labor Party over the question "Who is blocking Communist unity?" Ruthenberg unhesitatingly declares the fault lies with the CLP, the leaders of which asserted falsely that "the decisions of the Left Wing Conference called for a third convention, and, logically, for a third party." These leaders went to Chicago fully intending to hold a convention of their own to establish such a third party, Ruthenberg asserts, although they did not have the courage to announce this intention to the party membership. Ruthenberg reveals that at the caucus of the Left Wing delegates to the Socialist Party held the evening before the convention convened, he introduced a resolution "binding them to enter the Communist Convention immediately after they bolted from the Emergency Convention" -- a resolution which was voted down. A similar motion the next day making unity with the Communist Convention the first order of business was similarly rejected, Ruthenberg states. The Communist Convention merely sought bolting delegates to submit their credentials to the Credentials Committee the same as any other delegates, Ruthenberg says. "Previously the Organizing Committee and the Left Wing Council had declared to these delegates that all those delegates who had credentials for both the Emergency Convention and the Communist Convention would be included in the roster of delegates that would organize the convention, and the spirit of the convention toward the other bolting delegates was shown in the seating without question of 4 delegates from Minnesota because their State Organization had endorsed the Left Wing Program, although they had no definite credentials for the Communist Convention." This very reasonable position was rejected by the delegates who formed the CLP, he indicates, which demanded all-or-nothing acceptance of all delegates on the basis of organizational equality. Ruthenberg declares that "Communist Unity is still possible. The delegates of the Communist Labor Convention are responsible for the organization of a third party. If they are Communists in principle let them step aside. If they desire unity of the Communist elements in the United States, let them disband their Executive Committee and urge every local to join the Communist Party."

 

"Debs Calls the Jury of the People to Try Indiana Governor," by Eugene V. Debs [May 20, 1922] Recently freed Socialist leader Gene Debs uses the various legal premises used to convict him to indict the governor of his state for his Jan. 1922 words to the American Legion to the effect that "Debs is the arch-traitor of our country. May the Legion teach him a lesson." The American Legion is characterized by Debs as "Young men, immature, inexperienced, many illiterate, without social vision, ignorant of history and social science, led by self-seeking egotists, boasting a crude, raw, ruthless, ignorant, blatant, conceited type of mind that hates everything above its own limitations; responsive to flattery, inflammable, unreasoning, prejudiced, lovers of heroics, a whooping, flag-waving bunch without foresight or any rational love of country -- just the kind to be excited by a flattering, inflaming speech." Debs declares that "To call a man a traitor because he disagrees with a bunch of politicians in Washington is the utmost limit of bigotry and insolence." Debs asserts he was convicted for stating the truth that the recently completed European war was an imperialist conflict. He asserts: "The constitution says, 'Congress shall make no law abridging free speech.' Congress has made such a law, the President signed it, and the court sustained it. Who were the traitors? Without free speech there is no progress, and the people stagnate. Better a thousandfold the abuse than the denial of free speech, for the abuse lasts but a day, while denial destroys the life of a nation."

 

"The 'Achievements' of the CC Plenum: Statement of the Communist Party-Majority Group." [Nov. 15, 1929] From Nov. 6-8, 1929, the Communist Party USA held the first plenum of its Central Committee in nearly 11 months. This is the critique of the changes and policies of the CPUSA established at this CC plenum by the Communist Party-Majority Group, headed by former CP Executive Secretary Jay Lovestone. The plenum approved a "new line" thesis, which the CPMG characterizes as "the most shameful document in the history of our Party," including erroneous views of the international situation and the domestic economic situation, as well as a vague program which utterly underestimated the Negro question and the agricultural situation. Furthermore, the CC added 12 new members to replace those expelled in the recent party controversy, resulting in 9 of 15 places on the Political Committee for the "bankrupt, discredited Foster Group."

 

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