"Sound Socialist Tactics,"
by Eugene V. Debs [Feb. 1913] Popular Socialist leader Gene Debs weighs in on
the controversy over syndicalism and sabotage that was sweeping
the Socialist Party in this lengthy article from the pages of
the Left Wing theoretical journal The International Socialist
Review. Debs declares that "the disagreements and dissensions
among Socialists relate almost wholly to tactics. The party splits
which have occurred in the past have been due to the same cause,
and if the party should ever divide again, which it is to be
hoped it will not, it will be on the rock of tactics." Echoing
a controversial passage in a pamphlet by Haywood and Bohn, Debs
declares that "As a revolutionist I can have no respect
for capitalist property laws, nor the least scruple about violating
them." However, the response to such injustices must be
collective and not individualistic, Debs believes: "If I
had the force to overthrow these despotic laws I would use it
without an instant's hesitation or delay, but I haven't got it,
and so I am law-abiding under protest -- not from scruple --
and bide my time." So, too, with the principles of "sabotage"
and "direct action" -- concepts which Debs opposes.
He indicates that "I have not a bit of use for the 'propaganda
of the deed.' These are the tactics of anarchist individualists
and not of Socialist collectivists." While there may be
"acute situations arising and grave emergencies occurring,
with perhaps life at stake, when recourse to violence might be
justified," Debs states that the socialist movement "cannot
predicate its tactical procedure upon such exceptional instances."
Advocacy of sabotage and direct action by the SPA would not only
alienate the law-abiding American working class, in Debs' view,
but it would essentially be an open invitation to agent provocateurs
to infiltrate and destroy the party, as "the Socialist Party
would stand responsible for the deed of every spy or madman."
Debs declares that "I am opposed to any tactics which involve
stealth, secrecy, intrigue, and necessitate acts of individual
violence for their execution. The work of the Socialist movement
must all be done out in the broad open light of day. Nothing
can be done by stealth that can be of any advantage to it in
this country."
"The 1915 National Committee
Meeting: Reports of National Committeemen L.E. Katterfeld and
James P. Reid." [held May 9-14, 1915] ** REVISED EDITION ** Report of the annual meeting of the Socialist
Party's National Committee, held in Chicago May 9-14, 1915 by
two Left Wing members of the NC, Washington State Secretary L.E.
Katterfeld and Rhode Islander James P. Reid. Katterfeld sees
the 1915 NC meeting as seminal, a "complete reversal of
the policies that have dominated the party for the past three
years." The process of centralization begun in 1912, which
took the election of the governing National Executive Committee
out of the hands of the membership and vested it in the National
Committee, was undone. Rules for the initiation of referenda
were also liberalized, with the number of required seconds reduced
so that locals could once again initiate the process with some
hope of success. The power of affirmative action between its
annual physical gatherings was also restored to the National
Committee, severely reducing the authority of the 5 member NEC,
which reigned supreme under the model of 1912. All these things,
once ratified by the party membership in referendum, meant "an
absolute reversal of this autocratic policy and a return to democracy
in the party's control," in Katterfeld's view. In his shorter
assessment, James Reid adds that "The 'Finnish controversy'
took up much time in the meeting and bodes danger to the party.
It will be with us for some time to come." Reid notes that
"the rank and file of the English-speaking comrades will
have to become conversant with the element of danger to our movement
which the structural connection of the foreign federation with
our party means." Under the current system of attachment
of the federations "ambitious persons in those federations
can keep the whole party busy trying to settle their rows, and
all to the detriment and delay of the work of organizing the
American wing of the International Socialist movement,"
Reid observes.
"First Ballot Shows No Choice
For Secretary." (news report in The American Socialist)
[March 18, 1916] The
1916 Socialist Party referendum ballot for Executive Secretary
was a four-way race pitting Washington State Secretary L.E. Katterfeld
(Left), NEC member Adolph Germer (Center), sitting Executive
Secretary Walter Lanfersiek (Center), and Rev. Carl D. Thompson
(Center-Right). No candidate won on the first ballot, although
Thompson's support was broad -- 30 of 48 state and territorial
organizations gave him a plurality of votes and he led 2nd place
finisher Germer on the first ballot by nearly 900 votes. Lanfersiek
was dealt a crushing defeat in his reelection bid, garnering
only 5,383 out of 31,525 votes cast (17.1%) and winning pluralities
only in 4 small states, including his home state of Kentucky.
Katterfeld, running as an outspoken revolutionary Socialist,
fared even worse, winning a narrow majority in his home state
of Washington and a plurality in Minnesota (home of a radical
Finnish movement) en route to a paltry 11.3% of the vote. The
results do hint at one charge later levied at Adolph Germer --
that the man who presided over an NEC which engaged in mass suspensions
and expulsions (of extremely dubious legality) over so-called
"bloc voting" in 1919 was himself the recipient of
bloc votes in his own election. Germer is shown here carrying
the state of Massachusetts (home of a large Finnish contingent)
by a margin of 1,088 to 284 over Thompson. He was also the beneficiary
of the campaigning of his allies in New York, which he carried
over Thompson by a margin of 1,862 to 986. As no candidate won
a majority, a run off between Germer and Thompson was slated.
"Unity Favored by Large Majority
in Party Referendum." (news report in The American Socialist)
[March 18, 1916] Socialist
Party "Resolution 'A,' 1916" was a proposal first made
by the party's Scandinavian Federation: "That the Socialist
Labor Party of the United States be invited to elect a committee
composed of 5 of their members to meet in joint conference with
a committee of 5 members to be elected by the National Committee
of the Socialist Party. Said joint conference shall meet within
2 months from the time of their election and work out a basis
and agreement that provides for the amalgamation of the Socialist
Party and the Socialist Labor Party in one organization."
This working agreement for organic unity was to taken to the
two organizations for ratification by referendum vote not later
than June 1, 1916. The SP approved this referendum in a landslide,
with 82% of those voting approving the proposition, including
majorities of every state organization. Only 3 states gave less
than 60% of their ballots in support of the proposal -- Massachusetts,
New Hampshire, and South Dakota. Even those state organizations
stereotypically portrayed as being on the SP's Right, such as
Oklahoma and Wisconsin, were overwhelmingly in favor of the proposal
for unity with the SLP (the referendum winning 94.7% and 78.1%
support in Oklahoma and Wisconsin, respectively). The National
Committee had already named its 5 in anticipation of approval,
including prominent SP Left Winger L.E. Katterfeld, State Secretary
of Washington.
"The Old Lyceum: Letter to
the Editor of The American Socialist," by John M.
Work [April 8, 1916] Socialist
Party veteran John Work defends the party speakers' bureau which
he formerly headed from what he perceives to be unfair criticism.
The Lyceum was no more responsible for the party's debt than
was the Information Department, he states, both of which were
official departments of the National Office with similar budgets.
Work states that the Lyceum was not a purely negative drain on
party resources, and that it circulated vast quantities of socialist
literature and brought thousands of members to the party, despite
being hampered by the lack of a broadly circulated single national
propaganda newspaper. Most of the criticisms of the director
of the new Lyceum, L.E. Katterfeld, are unjust, Work adds: "Katterfeld
is only a mortal, but he is a young man of splendid energy and
enthusiasm. I would not favor giving him a high position in the
party until he has developed more balance.... Both he and his
critics need to learn how to treat one another with the genuine
Socialist spirit."
"Benson and Kirkpatrick,"
by Eugene V. Debs [April 15, 1916] Popular Socialist Party orator Eugene Debs, not
running as his party's Presidential nominee for the first time
in the history of the organization, delivers and effusive endorsement
of the SPA's standard bearers. Debs states that Allan Benson
and George Kirkpatrick are "not only incarnate the principles
of socialism" but also "men of unimpeachable character
and standing." Debs opines that "Not once has either
ever flinched or faltered; cowered or compromised. In every hour
of trial they have stood erect, true to their manhood, loyal
to their convictions, staunch in their devotion to the cause,
ever ready to strike a blow or repel one, and ever waging the
warfare for the overthrow of capitalism and the emancipation
of the people." Debs characterizes the pair as gifted, able,
modest, and tenacious.
"Shall Party Committees Control
Referendums? Letter to the Editor of The American Socialist,"
by A.W. Ricker [April 15, 1916] A.W. Ricker, a supporter of candidate for SPA
Executive Secretary Carl Thompson, cries foul at a letter sent
out by the German Federation to its affiliated branches, urging
them to support Adolph Germer for Executive Secretary, as well
as Herman Schlueter and Santeri Nuorteva for seats on the 5 member
National Executive Committee. "This is the first time in
the history of the party so far as we know that a [Federation]
National Committee has thus officially interfered with a referendum
and recommended the election of their own chosen candidates,"
Ricker declares. Ricker warns that "the possibilities of
this sort of action are apparent if we remember that the foreign
federations constitute about 30 percent of the entire membership
and always cast a much larger percentage of their vote than the
English speaking branches." He also states that "in
many cases the German branches have the unit rule and vote of
their entire membership in one way." Ricker backs his assertion
by citing statistics from the Finnish Federation-dominated state
of Massachusetts, in which Germer trounced Thompson 1,088 to
284 in the race for Executive Secretary, and for the German branches
of Chicago, from which Germer collected 194 of 196 votes cast.
"Had the plans of the German committee worked out we would
have had not only a National Secretary who was the candidate
of the German Federation, but we also would have had a National
Executive Committee NOT A SINGLE ONE OF WHOM WAS BORN IN THIS
COUNTRY and one of whom -- Comrade Nuorteva -- is not even a
citizen of the United States," declares Ricker.
"Discussions of Party Referendums:
Letter to the Chicago Edition of the American Socialist,"
by Adolph Dreifuss [April 15, 1916] Dreifuss, the Translator-Secretary of the German
Federation of the Socialist Party, defends the National Committee
of his Federation's right to issue non-binding recommendations
in the election of party officials. He indicates that the criticism
leveled against the German Federation is strictly factional --
that the Socialist Party of New Jersey and the Socialist Party
of Pennsylvania had issued documents endorsing Carl D. Thompson
for the post of SPA Executive Secretary and that many others,
including the State Secretaries of Illinois and Nebraska and
various high-ranking national party officials had endorsed him
while emphasizing their party positions. "As a result of
all these doings, and not before they had come up, the National
Committee of the German Language Federation sent out its letter
of warning, not to deliver the votes -- the German speaking comrades
are not sheep whom you can direct any way you please; it is well
known that they, as a whole, are against Thompson's policy in
the movement and would vote against any man of his type and views
-- but to call attention to the vigor and the way the campaign
for Carl D. Thompson was (and apparently still is) managed,"
Dreifuss notes.
"Against All Interference:
Letter to the Editor of The American Socialist," by Adolph
Germer [April 22, 1916] Socialist
Party Executive Secretary Adolph Germer (beneficiary of Language
Federation official support and bloc voting) makes himself heard
on the issue of electioneering withing the party. Germer says
that he personally advised Carl Thompson not to seek the Executive
Secretary's post since he was perceived as leading the charge
against sitting Executive Secretary Walter Lanfersiek and "it
looked too much as if he was trying to get Lanfersiek out of
the way to make room for himself." Both ultimately ran for
the position, however. The Milwaukee Leader and front
man A.W. Ricker began whooping things up" for Thompson on
the campaign trail, which was fair, Germer believes. In response
came the circular of the German Federation in support of Germer.
"I did not inspire the circular out of the German Federation
and would rather that it had not been sent out, as I am opposed
to electioneering schemes of any kind. But the German Federation,
or any other Federation, has as much right to do electioneering
as the Milwaukee Leader," says Germer.
"The Necessity of an Emergency
Convention," by Louis C. Fraina [Jan. 18, 1919] Left Wing theoretician Louis Fraina
argues that during the recently complete world war, "contradictory
elements" had been forced to make alliances; now that the
war was over, "the real alignment of the conflicting forces
of the world" began to emerge, the struggle between capitalism
and socialism. In the revolutionary movements of Russia and Germany,
the struggle between socialism and capitalism, had actually taken
the form of a "fight between Socialists and Socialists,"
Fraina states -- with the same group of Majority Socialists that
had rallied to their national flags during the world war continuing
to lend every assistance to the bourgeoisie in the repression
of these new revolutionary movements. The socialist movement
was thus split into two camps -- on the one hand, the movement
headed by Camille Huysmans, who had recently issued a call for
a Congress in Europe, to which the Socialist Party's NEC had
named delegates; on the other hand, the Third International called
for by the Bolsheviks in Russia, the Spartacus Group in Germany,
and their allies. "Socialists are fighting and dying in
Europe that Socialism may triumph, mankind is trembling on the
brink of worldwide Social Revolution. The action which the American
movement takes now will commit it to the policy of Socialism
or the policy of counterrevolution," Fraina declares. He
states that "on such a momentous matter it is vitally necessary
that the whole American Socialist movement decides on what policy
to pursue and the only effective method of so deciding is the
convocation of an Emergency National Convention." He calls
for the NEC of the Socialist Party of America to immediately
call such a convention and to recall its delegates to the Huysmans-called
European Socialist Congress.
"New York State Committee,
Socialist Party Holds Annual Meeting: Walter Cook Elected State
Secretary -- Locals Affiliating with Left Wing Have Charters
Revoked -- Asks National Convention." [held April 13, 1919]
Account of the
seminal April 1919 annual meeting of the New York State Committee,
which effectively made affiliation with the Left Wing Section
a party crime meriting expulsion. The key resolution was proposed
by David P. Berenberg of Local Queens County, calling for the
State Executive Committee to revoke the charter of any local
affiliating with the Left Wing Section of the Socialist Party
or permitting any of its affiliated branches to do likewise.
Berenberg's proposal spurred hours of heated debate, with the
Party Regular faction winning the test of strength with the Left
Wingers by a vote of 24-17, with 2 abstentions. The meeting also
elected Walter Cook of the Bronx as State Secretary and a new
State Executive Committee, consisting of Theresa Malkiel of New
York; Simon Berlin, New York; Herbert Merrill, Schenectady; Nicholas
Aleinikoff, New York; Esther Friedman, Bronx; James Sheehan,
Albany; F.A. Ariand, Albany; Jacob Hillquit, New York; and Julius
Gerber, New York. A group of resolutions on contemporary issues,
reprinted here, were also passed.
"New York State Committee,
Socialist Party Resolution on the Left Wing Section, Adopted
April 13, 1919." On
April 13, 1919, the State Committee of the Socialist Party of
New York gathered in Albany for its annual meeting. A resolution
was proposed by David Berenberg of Local Kings County which denounced
and effectively banned the Left Wing Section as an organization
"in violation of the spirit of the constitution." The
New York State Executive Committee was instructed by Berenberg's
resolution to "revoke the charter of any local that affiliates
with any such organization or that permits its sub-divisions
or members to be so affiliated." A heated debate followed
which continued until 4:30 pm, with the final tally showing 24
in favor, 17 opposed, and 2 abstaining. This decision paved the
way for a factional civil war in the Socialist Party of New York,
which erupted immediately.
"Revolutionary Romanticists:
Letter to the Editor of the New York Call," by Ralph
Korngold [April 14, 1919] This
letter to the New York Call by well-known SPA Regular
Ralph Korngold attacks "certain literary gentlemen in New
York, Boston, and elsewhere" for their impatient desire
to immediately conduct a revolution in America: "They want
it right away. They are tired of voting. They are tired of teaching
the masses how to vote. They sneer at ballot box victories, laugh
at ballot box defeats, speak with disdain of 'parliamentarianism'
and parliamentary methods. They find education too slow a process,
so they propose as a substitute Billy Sunday's method -- hysteria."
Korngold likens these individuals to "impatient children,"
anxious to abandon one game for another. "The IWW was their
plaything but yesterday; today it is the Soviet; tomorrow 'mass
action,'" Korngold declares, adding "When you point
out to them that the Socialist Labor Party, which has just received
Lenin's approval, has had a more radical program, and has had
even less success, they brush the fact aside with contempt. What
care they for facts? Let us have the tom-toms, and hysteria,
and barricades in the streets." At root, Korngold says,
is the "anarchistic contempt of majority rule" because
"they know they are the minority and have not the patience
to await the test of discussion and time."
"Socialist Tactics?"
by John Reed [April 19, 1919] In the debut issue of The New York Communist,
Left Wing Socialist John Reed editorializes about the fact
that Secretary of Local New York Julius Gerber had spoken against
the Left Wing Section by reading from an original copy of the
Left Wing City Committee's meeting minutes. While "the Left
Wing is not a secret organization" and the minutes would
be subsequently published, Reed notes, "the important point
is that an official of the Socialist Party reads from copies
of minutes that he had no title to possess, to one of the highest
delegate bodies of our organization. It was obvious to everyone
present that he had not come by his copy openly, yet he was allowed
to proceed without anyone making a protest." Reed sees as
hypocritical the fact that the Socialist Party protests against
government and private labor espionage, but " sits open-eared
and prepares to act on the information" when its own officials
practice similar espionage. "Are these the methods the Right
Wing intends to use inn the future? Does the membership of the
party support these methods?" Reed asks.
"The Party Situation in New
York," by John Reed [April 19, 1919] The April 13, 1919, annual session of the New
York State Committee effectively banned the Left Wing Section
in the party, instructing the State Executive Committee to revoke
the charters of all locals and branches supporting the Left Wing
manifesto. This article by John Reed provides other details about
the factional civil war in the Socialist Party of New York. First
and foremost, Reed notes that membership access to the party
was being restricted by the Party Regulars: "In the past
the party has been very lax regarding the admission of new members,
practically anyone who signed an application blank being admitted
without question. This fact has often been pointed out by many
of those members who now constitute the Left Wing, but without
result. But those who suggested a change in the method of admitting
new members had no idea of handing the control of the growth
of the party in this city over to a few handpicked individuals."
The filtering of Left Wingers at the time of their attempted
entry of the party is "a direct attempt by those at present
in control to perpetuate themselves," Reed believes, and
he charges that hundreds of applications have been held up for
factional reasons. A historically valuable first-hand account
of the "inquisition" of the "amateur Overman Committee"
to which new applicants in New York were forced to submit in
the spring of 1919 is provided in full. Reed also charges that
the Regulars engaged in other unscrupulous tactics in the factional
fight, including failure to allocate the requisite number of
seats on the City Central Committee to branches believed to be
dominated by Left Wing sentiment; gerrymandering party districts
to minimize Left Wing power; and banning of mention of Left Wing
meetings or advertising of the Left Wing press from the dominant
Socialist Party publications of New York City -- The Call
and The Jewish Daily Forward.
"One Reason for an Organization
Within an Organization: A circular letter to factional allies
from Julius Gerber in New York, April 19, 1919." With the decision made for factional
war to the knives in the Socialist Party at New York by decision
of the State Executive Committee at its seminal meeting of April
13, 1919, the Regular faction of the Socialist Party commenced
to organize itself. The primary leader of this faction was Julius
Gerber, Secretary of the Socialist Party of New York County,
who sent this organizational letter to a limited number of factional
allies on April 19. In Gerber's view, "The reason the Left
Wing has grown and is making converts is because they have an
organization that does nothing else. They have their organs that
give their side. They act as a group while we have neither organization,
nor press (The Call should not be used for factional purposes)
and our comrades act as individuals. Result is chaos on our side,
organization, discipline, and success on their side." Gerber
indicates that "The situation in the party is rather critical
at this time, and it is almost too late now to stem the tide,"
noting that "the so-called Left Wing is determined to either
capture or split the party." Gerber believes that "A
split in the party will at this time do irreparable injury to
our party and to the Cause, while the control of the party by
these irresponsible people will make the party an outlaw organization,
and break up the organization." He calls for an organizational
meeting on the night of April 21 at the home of the Rand School
of Social Science, in advance of the critical meeting of the
Central Committee of Local New York. "At this meeting the
die will be cast as far as Local New York is concerned. We ought
to decide beforehand. We ought to know what we are to do,"
Gerber declares.
"Minutes of the Left Wing
Section of Greater New York: First General Membership Meeting
-- April 20, 1919." Minutes
of what seems to be the first general membership meeting of the
Left Wing Section of the Socialist Party in New York City, Chaired
by Ben Gitlow. The minutes state that the organization originated
with a bolting minority delegation at a City Central Committee
meeting, which had grown to an organization of 4,000 in Greater
New York, of whom "about 800" were in attendance at
this meeting at the Manhattan Lyceum. The group heard a resolution
sent in by Ludwig Martens of the Russian Soviet Government Bureau
"extending his allegiance and support to the Left Wing movement."
Resolutions were adopted calling for a strike on May Day, supporting
the Lawrence Strike, and calling for establishment of a working
class organization to fight for the freedom of Political Prisoners.
A resolution was adopted supporting the candidacy of Max Cohen
for Secretary of Local New York (running against Julius Gerber)
and for three Left Wing candidates running for the NEC of the
Socialist Party in the electoral district -- Louis Fraina, Nicholas
Hourwich, and Edward Lindgren. The action of the New York City
Committee of the Left Wing establishing the New York Communist
was approved and a "Red Week" of fundraising to support
that paper and the other recognized publication of the Left Wing
Section, the Yiddish-language Der Kampf, was approved.
There was a discussion about the State Executive Committee's
dissolution and reorganization of the 17th Assembly District
branch, and a committee of 7 was elected to cooperate with the
10 Left Wing members of the branch's Executive Committee ousted
in the fight.
"State Committee Proposition:
Letter to the Editor of the New York Call," by L.
Basky [pub. April 23, 1919] Left Wing Hungarian Socialist Federation member
L. Basky writes to the New York Call about the April 13,
1919, ruling of the New York State Committee finding the Left
Wing Section to violate "the spirit of the constitution"
and instruct its Executive Committee on that basis to revoke
the charter of any local that affiliates with the Left Wing Section
or which permits its subdivisions or members to be affiliated.
Basky calls for the decision of the 24 members of the State Committee
majority to be put to a referendum vote of the Socialist Party
of New York. "The Left Wing is not a counter-organization
to the Socialist Party," Basky states, but rather a reflection
of the sentiment "that it was high time to set the party
abreast of the revolutionary events" and "to make it
a useful instrument in the darkest and bitterest and most critical
hours of the class struggle instead of making it what the Social
Democratic Party of Germany turned out to be -- the last fortress
of the dying capitalist system." Changing the party's course
required organization and a program, Basky notes. This program
is reducible to a set of concrete propositions, he feels: "To
abolish all reform planks in the Socialists' party platform;
to strictly adhere to an uncompromising class struggle, the last
phase of which will be the dictatorship of the proletariat; to
propagate revolutionary industrial unionism; to have the party
own all its official papers and institutions; to repudiate the
Berne Congress and to elect delegates to an international congress
proposed by the Communist Party of Russia." He calls for
an electoral test to determine whether these values reflect majority
opinion in the Socialist Party. However, "The fight is on,"
Basky notes, adding "I welcome the attack of the State Committee.
We at least know some of those we would have to face in the critical
hour. Might as well fight it out now, whether they or the Left
Wing represents the party. Let us find out right now who is with
us and who is against us."
"Clearing the Decks: An Editorial
in the New York Communist, May 24, 1919." Editorial reply to Morris Hillquit's
"The Socialist Task and Outlook" from pages of the
New York Communist, edited by John Reed. The "clever
politician" Hillquit is said to have "emerged from
his long retirement" to issue this "semi-official declaration"
in the New York Call. "Now as ever, Hillquit is attempting
to carry water on both shoulders; he flirts with the revolutionary
sentiment that is now dominant in the movement; he coquettes
with Proletarian Dictatorship in Russia and Hungary, while spurning
it nearer to home; he implies a mild reproof to the majority
socialists of Germany; he mentions the St. Louis platform and
immediately sheers away, fearful of this test if applied to the
"leaders" of the party," the editorial states.
In the postwar world, Hillquit is said to have seen the United
States the strongest capitalist country in the world, with its
liberal regime having become reactionary and the reformist protest
movement having collapsed. To Hillquit, "it appears that
the failure of peace, the governmental persecution and repression,
the obscurantism of the capitalist press, terrorism, unemployment,
and intensified exploitation will soon awaken the American workers;"
he sees the Socialist Party's task as propaganda and organization,
awaiting an awakening of the American working class, the editorial
indicates. After years of advocating "unity," Hillquit
and the SP leadership are said to have moved to advocacy of a
split: "After months of agitation the Left Wing has broken
down the opposition and succeeded in having a referendum taken
on the necessity for a National Emergency Convention. The present
attitude of the rank and file forecasts that such a convention
will be another St. Louis, and Comrade Hillquit and the other
'leaders' doubt whether they can weather another storm. The only
thing left is to split the party before the convention."
According to the editorial, the Regulars were engaged in a conscious
attempt to "disfranchise the revolutionary section of the
membership, expel its spokesmen" and thereby make the party
safe for its "official junta." But the Left Wing was
in the driver's seat: "we refuse to split the party, that
is not our purpose. We will capture the party and if the Right
Wing wants to split, it must do the splitting, it must break
away from the party. The rank and file is behind our position,
we are the party, and when the time comes for clearing the decks
we will handle the mop."
"Clear the Decks! An Editorial
in The Revolutionary Age, May 31, 1919." by Louis
C. Fraina Left
Wing leader Louis Fraina offers his perspective on the party
controversy and Morris Hillquit's seminal article, "The
Socialist Task and Outlook." Fraina observes that "Branch
after branch of Local New York, affiliated with the Left Wing,
has been expelled; and now the National Executive Committee,
in session in Chicago, expels the whole Socialist Party of the
state of Michigan, with threats of other expulsions." He
states that these actions are "partly a criminal attempt
to steal votes from Left Wing candidates, in order that the moderates
may be 'elected'" as well as "a desperate attempt to
'isolate' the fires of revolutionary socialism." Fraina
alleges that these actions are part of an orchestrated plot which
is "formulated by that master strategist of the moderates,
Morris Hillquit." Fraina accuses Hillquit of cleverly appropriating
revolutionary socialist language -- but with an ulterior motive,
for "every statement has a reservation." Fraina calls
this "a sinister maneuver to mobilize indefinite revolutionary
sentiment in the party for the moderate representatives"
of the party leadership. Fraina accuses the SP leadership of
hypocrisy: "They stigmatized the Left Wing as a secessionist
movement, as working to split the party; but now, realizing that
the Left Wing is conquering the party for revolutionary socialism,
for the Bolshevik-Spartacan International, the moderates are
adopting the policy they malignantly ascribed to the Left Wing
-- split the party!" Fraina states that the Left Wing is
perfectly willing for the SP Regulars to secede and join the
ranks of the Labor Party; this, however, is not the intention
of the waning leadership, as "they wish to retain control
of the party, even if it is necessary to expel the bulk of the
membership." These individuals are characterized by Fraina
as "social-gangsters and traitors to socialism," practitioners
of the same tactics as those used by the Ebert-Scheidemann pro-war
socialists in Germany. "Clear the decks! Clear them -- Clean,"
Fraina implores organized the Left Wing of the Socialist Party.
"Call for a National Convention
for the Purpose of Organizing a Communist Party in America."
[July 19, 1919] This
is the text of the extensive "Federations-Michigan Convention
Call" for the formation of an American Communist Party.
The call states that "the National Executive Committee of
the Socialist Party of America has evidenced by its expulsion
of nearly half of the membership that they will not hesitate
at wrecking the organization in order to maintain their control."
These suspensions and expulsions had made it "manifestly
impossible to longer delay the calling of a convention to organize
a new party," notes the call, but unfortunately "the
majority of the delegates to the Left Wing Conference in New
York meekly neglected to sever their connections with the reactionary
National Executive Committee," instead continuing to "mark
time as Centrists in the wake of the Right." No other course
was possible than the immediate formation of a Communist Party
in Chicago at a convention to begin Sept. 1, 1919. A set of organizational
principles and an organizational program are provided. The call
specifies that convention representation is to be on the basis
of one delegate for each organization, and one additional delegate
for every 500 members or major fraction thereof.
"On the Party Horizon,"
by Alexander Stoklitsky [July 19, 1919] Translator-Secretary of the Russian Federation
Alexander Stoklitsky takes aim at the "Centrists" who
continue to follow the strategy of "capturing the Socialist
Party for revolutionary socialism." Stoklitsky mocks: "Every
bridge leading to the old, rotten structure of opportunism must
be destroyed.... The capture of the old party for 'revolutionary
socialism' is but a declaration of war upon windmills by the
Don Quixotes of the Center." Stoklitsky asks, "Why
capture the old party? Is the name of the Socialist Party so
dear to the working class? No. The name of the Socialist Party
is no longer dear to the proletariat. Years of reformatory and
treacherous activity have covered it with mud and slime."
Further, the SPA's structure and apparatus is unsuited for the
revolutionary movement and its literature "only fit to be
destroyed." Stoklitsky declares that "BECAUSE THE SPLIT
IN THE PARTY IS AN ACTUAL FACT IT BECOMES OUR SACRED DUTY TO
CONSTRUCT A COMMUNIST PARTY." Stoklitsky offers an analysis
that would be dominant in the CPA over the next three years,
declaring the American Socialist movement had, in parallel of
the Socialist movement of Europe, split into three tendencies:
Right, Center, and Left. However, Stoklitsky equates the dominant
SPA Party Regular tendency of Hillquit and Berger (anti-militarist,
Marxist opponents of the national regime) with the pro-war, government
Majority Socialists of Germany, calling them "Right."
Similarly, the revolutionary socialists continuing their effort
to win control of the Socialist Party in hopes of converting
it to a revolutionary socialist are rather speciously equated
with the Independent Socialists in Germany as "wishy-washy
Centrists" who are pursuing a "pitiful" strategy.
"Down with the Socialist Party! Down with the wavering Center!
Long live the militant Communist Party of America!" Stoklitsky
declares.
"Adolph the Truth Seeker,"
by John Keracher [July 19, 1919] In contrast to the barrage of ultra-Left hostility
vented by Alexander Stoklitsky in the same issue of the official
organ of the faction of the Federation-Michigan alliance, Michigan
leader John Keracher is surprisingly temperate in his criticism
of SPA Executive Secretary Adolph Germer and his cohorts. Germer
is said to be a man of honest opinions and sincere convictions
-- albeit one willing to engage in a campaign of half-truths
and distortions to bolster his cause. The central fact of the
crisis in the Socialist Party in the Summer of 1919 was this,
Keracher believes: "the membership has voted the old gang
out of office, and they prefer to split the party rather than
give up their control!" Everything else is a pretext to
justify this naked grab for power, Keracher believes. The issue
behind the suspension of the Jewish Branches of Local Detroit
had been misrepresented in the SP party press by Germer, Keracher
indicates. The SPA's NEC had taken draconian actiona against
Michigan with factional purpose; queries made by Michigan State
Secretary Keracher had been answered dishonestly. The Emergency
Convention in Michigan which had followed the NEC's revocation
of the Michigan charter had been legally called, contrary to
the assertions of Germer. In the final analysis, all of the NEC's
arguments are nothing more than "quibbling," in Keracher's
estimation: "This split, which they deliberately precipitated,
was inevitable due to the development going on within the party.
What difference does it make if the division takes the form of
expulsion or withdrawal? Those who desire to participate in real
socialist propaganda will send delegates to Chicago on September
1st [1919] to organize the Communist Party of America."
"The New NEC Meets: Report
of the Meeting of the National Executive Committee, Socialist
Party -- Chicago, July 26-27, 1919," by Louis C. Fraina
The constitution
of the Socialist Party of America called for a new term of office
of its governing National Executive Committee to begin July 1,
1919. The outgoing NEC had refused to tabulate the votes reported
by SPA State Secretaries, however, and had instead began a mass
campaign of suspensions and expulsions of their Left Wing opponents.
A substantial, albeit partial, tabulation was compiled by the
Left Wing and published in the June 18, 1919, edition of The
Ohio Socialist, and a group of ostensible winners named based
upon these returns. Ostensible winner of the balloting for Executive
Secretary Alfred Wagenknecht called the "new" NEC together
for its first physical meeting in Chicago, where it met July
26-27, 1919. This is the report of the gathering published by
new NEC member Louis Fraina, who was a participant. The session
was chaired by L.E. Katterfeld and Alfred Wagenknecht served
as Secretary. A committee was appointed to tabulate the vote
of the 1919 NEC referendum, reporting back that the quorum of
8 of the 15 had been "duly elected with a vote so large
as to dispose of the lying charge of fraud." A demand was
issued to Executive Secretary demanding that he turn over the
headquarters building to the new NEC and appear at its sessions;
this he refused. Germer's position was declared vacant and Wagenknecht
elected as the temporary Executive Secretary, pending the convention.
The outgoing NEC was reversed and the Massachusetts and Michigan
state organizations reinstated, as were the 7 suspended Language
Federations. State Secretaries were urged to withhold convention
funds and refrain from purchasing dues stamps from Germer's National
Office. Interestingly, Harry Wicks seems to have broken discipline
with his Michigan comrades for the first time at this moment
by attending this NEC session -- Dennis Batt and John Keracher
of the Michigan organization were also elected to the new NEC,
but boycotted the July session, as did Russian Federation leader
Nicholas Hourwich. Wicks' participation was important in that
only 8 of 15 NEC members-elect were in attendance -- the participation
of each vital for the gathering's ability to be represented as
being attended by "a majority and a quorum of the whole
committee."
"NEC Declaration to the Party:
Issued by the [new] National Executive Committee of the Socialist
Party - An American Communist Party Urged." [adopted July
27, 1919] Official
declaration made by the "new" NEC elected in the abrogated
SPA election of 1919 to the membership of the party, detailing
their actions and issuing a call for the forthcoming Emergency
National Convention in Chicago. Drafted by a committee of 3,
including L.E. Katterfeld, Louis C. Fraina, and Harry Wicks,
the document announces "The old NEC is dead; it throttled
the will of the revolutionary masses in the party; you comrades,
must act; we meet simply to provide you the opportunity to act
and assert your supremacy." Decisions taken by the new NEC
at its July 26-27, 1919, meeting are reviewed, including the
declaration of the office of National Secretary vacant and the
election of Alfred Wagenknecht to the position on a temporary
basis, pending decision of the August convention. The document
indicates that the new NEC determined that it would "assume
full control of the Emergency National Convention" and would
"shortly inform you of the place where the Convention will
meet, together with the roster of delegates." This action,
which would in practice the organization of a parallel convention
on August 30, does not seem to have been executed by Wagenknecht,
who only rented a room downstairs from the main, Germer-organized
convention, for a gathering of bolting delegates. The document
optimistically (some might say delusionally or hysterically)
declares that "August 30, in the Chicago Convention, will
mark the end of the Left Wing controversy. Revolutionary Socialism
will control. You will crush the moderates. You will act! You
will transform our party into a Communist Party, to express the
mass struggle of the proletariat. Then -- action! Then -- the
revolutionary struggle!" Includes the full text of another
statement issued by the new NEC at its July 26-27 meeting, "Issues
of the Convention," which was composed by a committee of
3 consisting of new NEC members C.E. Ruthenberg, Fred Harwood,
and Louis Fraina.
"Letter to Adolph Germer
in Chicago from Alfred Wagenknecht in Chicago, July 29, 1919."
The constitution
of the Socialist Party of America called for a new term of office
of its governing National Executive Committee to begin July 1,
1919. The outgoing NEC had refused to tabulate the votes reported
by SPA State Secretaries, however, and had instead began a mass
campaign of suspensions and expulsions of their Left Wing opponents.
A substantial, albeit partial, tabulation was compiled by the
Left Wing and published in the June 18, 1919, edition of The
Ohio Socialist, and a group of ostensible winners named based
upon these returns. Ostensible winner of the balloting for Executive
Secretary Alfred Wagenknecht called the "new" NEC together
for its first physical meeting in Chicago, where it met July
26-27, 1919. The group passed the resolution transmitted to the
SPA's National Office here: ""That the office of the
National Executive Secretary be declared vacant inasmuch as the
present incumbent refuses to perform his duties as National Secretary
by refusing to tabulate the vote in referendums expressing the
will of the membership and further refuses to recognize the regularly
elected National Executive Committee." This communication
was signed by Alfred Wagenknecht as "Executive Secretary,
Pro Tem."
"Circular to All Locals,
Branches, and Young People's Socialist Leagues from Alfred Wagenknecht,
July 29, 1919." Official
communique of the New National Executive Committee and Executive
Secretary pro tem Alfred Wagenknecht mailed to all units of the
Socialist Party of America and its youth section. The circular
notes that "the national constitution ended the term of
the old National Executive Committee on July 1st [1919]"
and announces that "the new National Executive Committee
met in Chicago on July 26 and 27, reversed the actions of the
old committee in its attempt to wreck the party, reinstated all
expelled state organizations and suspended federations -- more
than 35,000 members in all -- and renewed the call for an Emergency
National Convention, to be held August 30th." While the
circular states that " the new National Executive Committee
will take charge of this convention," it is not clear that
Wagenknecht & Co. did any more than arrange to rent a room
downstairs from the main convention in Machinists' Hall -- preparations
remained firmly in the grasp of standing Executive Secretary
Adolph Germer and his allies. Mileage money is promised by the
new NEC to convention delegates and the circular solicits contributions
and loans from party units to the new NEC.
"Why the New Party?"
by Oakley C. Johnson [Aug. 2, 1919] Elected State Secretary of the expelled Socialist
Party of Michigan emphasizes the depth of the split that had
developed within the Left Wing movement between the Majority
"Left Wing" still working to win control of the Socialist
Party and the Minority Federation-Michigan group intent on the
immediate formation of a distinct Communist Party of America
at the Sept. 1 convention which it had called in Chicago. Johnson
writes that "these would-be revolutionists shout 'All power
to the Left Wing!' What a miserable paraphrase of the Russian
slogan 'All power to the Soviets!' The comrades now organizing
the Communist Party prefer to be something more than a mere 'wing.'
At a time such as the present, when the most momentous turning
point in the world's history is before us, we cannot dilly dally
along as a mere faction within a party. We cannot longer handicap
ourselves in such a way, but must build up NOW an organization
which shall function efficiently as 'the most advanced and resolute
section of the working class parties...'" Johnson lists
a series of criticisms of the tactics of the Majority: (1) capture
of the SPA by the Left would be practically impossible due to
expulsions and suspensions made by the outgoing NEC; (2) even
if possible, capture of the SPA was inadvisable due to the party's
"reactionary" reputation; (3) there was no need to
remain in the SPA to reach the rank and file, which had already
heard the Left Wing's message; (4) the psychological moment for
action had arrived, and a delay of 2 or 3 months would "vitally
affect the progress of socialism for the next decade." In
contrast, "What is needed is a revolutionary party, small
if need be, but united upon Marxian principles, thus forming
a nucleus around which the working class can unite. It is impossible
efficiently to unite conflicting programs, to harmonize unharmonious
principles. The only party that can function in a social crisis
is one absolutely united on principle and method."
"Letter to Adolph Germer
in Chicago from Morris Hillquit at Saranac Lake, New York, August
9, 1919." This
short and relatively mundane letter reveals that Socialist Party
Executive Secretary Adolph Germer was in contact with staunch
SP Regulars and attorneys Morris Hillquit and Seymour Stedman
about technical issues surrounding the forthcoming Emergency
National Convention in Chicago. Hillquit believes that Stedman
does not follow the idea of the temporary and permanent convention.
Hillquit writes: "A Credential Committee will of course
have to be elected, but elected by whom? Not by the persons who
happen to present themselves with alleged credentials, for such
persons are not delegates until they have been seated preliminarily
or permanently. It is quite likely that at our emergency convention
double delegations will appear from several states or localities,
each contesting the credentials of the rival delegations. Shall
they all be permitted to take a part in the election of the Credentials
Committee?" It is the task of the Executive Secretary to
compile a preliminary listing of all unchallenged delegates,
Hillquit notes, and it is these unchallenged delegates who shall
constitute the temporary convention and elect the Credentials
Committee that will settle issues of contested mandates. Hillquit's
letter is factual, legalistic, and utterly devoid of factional
plotting. He closes with a note that "I have not been able
to do much work of late, but expect to take up the drafting of
a tentative platform within a week or so."
"Letter to Alfred Wagenknecht
in Cleveland from Julius Gerber in New York City, August 12,
1919." A
blistering response by the Secretary of the Socialist Party of
New York County to Alfred Wagenknecht's first circular letter
to all branches, locals, and YPSL groups in the name of the "New
National Executive Committee" -- those who would have emerged
victorious if the 1919 party referendum had not been abrogated
by the outgoing party NEC. Gerber states that both Wagenknecht
and his associate Ludwig Katterfeld had been present at the meeting
of the NEC at which an Emergency National Convention was scheduled
for August 30, 1919. "If you and the people behind you,
including your so-called NEC, do not trust the rank and file
of the party, and are afraid that you will not be able to control
the Emergency Convention...then why should the rank and file
trust or have confidence in you or the people back of you?"
asks Gerber. Wagenknecht is accused of (1) holding multiple paid
positions in the Socialist Party simultaneously, national and
state; (2) having created the Organization and Propaganda Department
and occupied the position of director of that department in the
National Office as a pretext for obtaining the party's mailing
list; (3) having obtained this mailing list without authorization,
and used it for the purpose of splitting the party; (4) having
planned to split the SPA at least as far back as January 1919;
(5) forfeited any claim to moral or financial support by practicing
ballot box stuffing and manipulation of membership lists. Wagenknecht's
comrades are accused of having misrepresented themselves (Edward
Lindgren), lied and taken actions in contradiction to the instructions
of their state committee (Fred Harwood), or called for the improper
channeling of party funds (I.E. Ferguson). The Socialist Party
of New York County would send delegates to the Chicago convention
who "will do all in their power to clean the party and the
Socialist movement of the United States of all self-seekers,
all those who are in the movement for what personal gain or glory
they can get out of it, and of all those who were or are in our
party not to help build a working class political organization
to educate and organize the workers of the country for their
emancipation, but to obstruct the growth of such organization,
and who, when they could not rule, are now trying to ruin the
party," Gerber warns.
"Letter to Leonid Belsky
in Chicago from C.E. Ruthenberg in New York, May 6, 1920."
CPA minority group
leader C.E. Ruthenberg announces to the head of the faction's
Chicago organization that an agreement has been reached in New
York with the leadership of the Communist Labor Party for a joint
unity convention. A meeting is slated for Chicago for May 20,
1920, to bring together representatives of both parties to draft
a manifesto, program, and constitution for the joint organization.
Delegates for the CLP are to be Max Bedacht, L.E. Katterfeld,
and Abram Jakira. Ruthenberg suggests that Belsky and I.E. Ferguson
join him as their faction's representatives. Ruthenberg states
that he will be leaving NYC on Saturday, May 8, and would proceed
to Cleveland, where he planned on staying until the 17th or 18th.
Ruthenberg states that Belsky should appoint a Detroit District
Organizer and see to it that delegate elections take place so
that they are able to get some representation at the District
Convention from Polish, South Slavic, German, and Russian units.
Again, scholars should note that the Ruthenberg group was not
exclusively Anglophonic, but rather was a coalition of language
federations -- the above-mentioned being the principle groups.
"Call for a Unity Convention
Between the Communist Labor Party and the Communist Party."
[circa May 7, 1920.] Convention
call for the joint unity convention between the CLP and the Ruthenberg
faction of the CPA. The groups were to unite upon 4 basic principles:
"(1) Class war of the workers without compromise with the
bourgeoisie and social patriotic parties; (2) Mass action of
the working class as the means to conquer power; (3) Dictatorship
of the proletariat; (4) Soviet constitution as the proper basis
of proletarian democracy." Each party was to call a national
convention and to resolve themselves into a Unity Conference,
remaining separate until preliminary discussions for unity were
completed. Delegates were to be elected secretly by the membership
of each organization. The heads of the CLP and Ruthenberg group
of the CPA were to jointly handle the task of convention arrangements.
"Bulletin #2 Agreement for
a Unity Conference Between the Communist Party and Communist
Labor Party, May 7, 1920." Bulletin by C.E. Ruthenberg to the membership
of the Minority faction of the Communist Party of America. Ruthenberg
relays the text of the joint call for a unity convention between
the Communist Labor Party and the CPA Minority group. Ruthenberg
notes: "The preliminary conference between the two groups
of delegates will furnish the best opportunity for the discussion
of principles in the Communist Party convention in Chicago. Everything
was cut and dried - settled by caucus action - and the work of
the convention was purely mechanical.... It is not through such
a convention that real agreement and understanding of fundamentals
is secured. There must be discussion and debate on all points
in our program, so that if there is disagreement the issues are
made and a decision made understandingly, not merely by swallowing
what a caucus has decided in advance." "While the result
of this unity conference may still leave a faction of the Communist
Party outside of the United Communist Party, this faction will
not live long as a separate organization, but will soon be absorbed
in the united party," Ruthenberg optimistically asserts.
"Letter to Leonid Belsky
in Chicago from C.E. Ruthenberg in New York, May 7, 1920."
Ruthenberg remarks
to his Chicago associate Belsky that the CLP had previously rejected
the 32-18 delegate split proposed by the CPA before the departure
of the Ruthenberg Minority Group. They were certainly not going
to accept that ratio after the CPA had divided, Ruthenberg states,
adding that the CLP's argument was basically sound. "We
don't know. You may say that we will have 90 percent of the membership
in our convention, but I say -- you will pardon my being frank
-- that such a statement is rot. We'll be lucky if we have 50
percent represented," Ruthenberg says. He adds that "We
will have Chicago, most of Cleveland, some of Detroit and Pittsburgh,
about half of Philadelphia, and less than half of New York and
Boston. At the present moment we may have 60% of the membership
supporting our convention -- not necessarily our group. What
the situation will be in another two weeks is hard to say. Here
in New York we have lost ground in the last week." The Chicago
District Committee, headed by Belsky, had come out for unity
only under the 32-18 basis, a position which Ruthenberg believes
to be utterly unrealistic, and he issues an ultimatum: "If
the Chicago District Committee refuses to agree to this proposition
now, there is only one course for me to pursue and that is to
send my resignation as Executive Secretary of the CEC and go
home and wait until there is someone with authority to receive
the party funds and property from me, and this I will do."
Ruthenberg declares that "The important thing for us is
that we have a convention and elect an Executive Committee that
will have authority, as one of our weaknesses at the present
moment is that I stand alone as one man defying the 'legal' committee
of the party," and he urges Belsky to bring the Chicago
District Committee around to a more realistic position on the
unity question.
I CAN USE SOME
HELP ON THE ABOVE PHOTO ON TWO I.D.s...
Top Row: Jim Cannon, [Oliver Carlson?], [Alfred S.
Edwards?].
Bottom Row: Alexander Trachtenberg,
Arne Swabeck, Rose Karsner, Max Bedacht.
Please email me if you can identify
either of the two unknowns: MutantPop@aol.com
(Davenport collection)
