"Socialists Who Would Emasculate Socialism," by Eugene V. Debs [April 20, 1901] In this column from the official organ of the Social Democratic Party of America, Eugene Debs takes aim at middle class reformers who deny the reality of the class struggle and thus "betray their trusting victims to the class that robs them without pity and riots in the proceeds without shame." Debs asserts that "We count every one against us who is not with us and opposed to the capitalist class, especially those 'reformers' of chicken hearts who are for everybody, especially themselves, and against nobody." While he acknowledges that while most such reformers are "honest and well-meaning, I know that some of them, by no means inconspicuous, are charlatans and frauds. They are the representatives of middle class interests, and the shrewd old politicians of the capitalist parties are not slow to perceive and take advantage of their influence. They are 'Socialists' for no other purpose than to emasculate Socialism. Beaten in the capitalist game by better shufflers, dealers, and players, they have turned 'reformers' and are playing that for what there is in it. They were failures as preaches and lawyers and politicians and capitalists. In their new role as "reformers" they dare not offend the capitalist exploiters, for their revenue depends upon their treason to the exploited slaves over whom they mourn dolefully and shed crocodile tears." In an unrelated tidbit, Debs provides bulletin board material for Left Wing professors everywhere: "Free speech is not tolerated in the Stanford University, nor in any other university, and whatever may be the boast of the educators in such institutions, the fact remains that they are as certainly the wage-slaves of capitalism as are the coal diggers in the anthracite mines of Pennsylvania."

 

"The July Convention," by Eugene V. Debs [June 15, 1901] With the July 1901 Socialist Unity Conference approaching, Social Democratic Party leader Eugene Debs shared the following thoughts with the party faithful in the organization's official organ, the Social Democratic Herald. All parties except for the (Regular) SLP had accepted the invitation to the Indianapolis convention, Debs said. While regrettable in one sense, at the same time Debs thought that this might be for the best, since "it must be admitted that more or less danger attends the converging of factions which have long been divided and are still (being human) influenced by their prejudices and their antipathies." Debs expressed his belief that a united party was "inevitable" and expressed the view that a primary necessity for the new organization would be "a platform that will bear the test of critical analysis. By this I do not mean that we shall quibble and split hairs, but that so far as the fundamental principles of Socialism are concerned, they shall be stated with such clearness as to silence all reasonable question as to our party being free from the taint of compromise and in harmonious alliance with the Socialist movement of the world." He expressed a strong preference for a decentralized organization, one in which "every state absolutely control its own affairs, thus leaving little for the national party to do except in years of Presidential campaigns. In this particular we can safely follow the methods of the old parties, whose leaders are adepts at organization." Interestingly, Debs foresees a problem in rapid organizational growth, calling it "a danger which will threaten the Socialist movement more and more as it advances to political prominence."

 

"Some of the Theories of Party Organization: Before the Form of an Instrument is Decided There Must be a Clear Conception of the Use to be Made of It," by Margaret Haile [June 22, 1901] Social Democratic Party National Executive Board member Margaret Haile published this rather lengthy article in the official organ of the party in an attempt to advance discussion in the ranks of the SDP as to what form of organization it desired in the forthcoming Socialist Party. Haile advocated a modified form of current party structure, noting "At the present juncture we are in danger of tinkering too much with the form of organization, without reference to the work that has to be done.... We are not striving after an association which shall exemplify the principles of pure democracy, as the primary object of its existence; nor yet a political party whose first object shall be to boost men with political hankerings into their desired haven." Instead, she saw the party's task as primarily educational, that of converting a "majority of the people" to the cause of socialism. "The election of a socialist to office here and there is not so important as new recruits in our ranks are apt to imagine, except for its educational effect. What kind of a benefit has socialism received from having a socialist may here and there or a socialist representative or two in the state house? Principally the advertising it gives the movement and the strength and courage imparted to us by success," she states. Rather, the most pressing need she saw was for a careful analysis of the labor situation in America, followed by the creation and propagation of a specialized literature, targeted to specific groups and written in a comprehensible language. Early SDP political successes had both advantages and disadvantages, in Haile's view: "They have infected many of us with the political fever, to the detriment of the great work of national education. It is possible for a new party to carry too much political sail for the depth of its educational keel and the weight of its numerical ballast. Socialism must not be cramped into ward politics any more than into colonies." Structurally, Haile favors an idea which had gained currency in the party -- a "National Committee" composed of a representative of each state in the new organization -- but seeks retention of centralized national organization, of which state and local units were to be an intrinsic part, and continuation of membership dues rather than a new form of voluntary financing. She asks for further comments on her ideas or alternative proposals.

 

"'The Mission of Socialism is Wide as the World': Speech at Chicago, Illinois," by Eugene V. Debs [July 4, 1901] Lengthy Independence Day speech by Eugene Debs, never republished since its original appearance in the pages of the Social Democratic Herald. Debs takes a rather more radical position on the American flag than he would a decade hence, declaring "I am not of those who worship the flag. I have no respect for the stars and stripes, or for any other flag that symbolizes slavery. It does not matter to me what others may think, say, or do.... Not very long ago the President of the country [William McKinley], in the attitude of mock heroics, asked who would haul down the flag. I will tell him. Triumphant Socialism will haul down that flag and every other that symbolizes capitalist class rule and wage slavery." Debs adds that "I am a patriot, but in the sense that I love all countries," giving the highest praise for an aphorism of Thomas Paine: "Where liberty is honored, that is my country." Debs explains the rise and fall of chattel slavery and its replacement by wage slavery as a by-product of the development of industrial technology. He calls upon the working class to organize itself and to assert its class interests as vigorously as the capitalist class advances theirs. He tells his audience "It will not do for you to go to the polls and vote for some good men on some of the tickets and expect relief in that way. What can a good man do if he should happen to get to Congress? What could he do? Why, he simply would be polluted or helpless, or both. What we want is not to reform the capitalist system. We want to get rid of it." Debs states that "The revolution is under way, but, like all revolutions, it is totally blind. It is in the nature of great social forces that they sometimes sweep humanity down. Let us work so that this revolution may come in peace. Socialists are organized to pave the way for its peaceful culmination." He adds that whether socialism comes "next year or next century, or in a thousand centuries" is of no particular concern to him, that if but a single Socialist should survive "I would be that one against the world" -- and he advises his listeners to think likewise.

 

"A Veteran's Appeal for Unity: Address to the Founding Convention of the Socialist Party of America, Indianapolis, IN -- August 1, 1901," by Julius Vahlteich ** REPOST: THIRD EDITION -- RESTORES NAME SPELLING AND ADDS BIOGRAPHICAL FOOTNOTE ** Vahlteich, a 61 year old German-American with 44 years' participation in the Socialist movement in Germany and America, delivered the first English-language speech in his life to the Socialist Unity Convention that established the Socialist Party of America. Regarding the possible failure to achieve unity by the convention as a potential disaster, Vahlteich states that he considers it his duty to "at least attempt to bring to bear my influence on the hot-headed in our camp, inasmuch that they learn to know and appreciate the first duty of every soldier of the Revolution -- the subordination of personal interests, personal feelings and thoughts to the common interest of all." Vahlteich acknowledges that throughout the history of modern socialism "there are two principal views which struggle with each other." On the one hand are those who "proclaim themselves as loudly as possible to be revolutionists." This tendency "speak warmly against compromise, and would like to see the socialist army corps guarded against every touch of the non-socialists. They have a keen scent for traitors in their own ranks, mistrust all who are not toilers, and are impatient to deliver the last deciding stroke for the foundation of socialist society." On the other hand are those who "do not believe in the theory of a catastrophe, but rather in the organic growth of the old society into the new one." This group "do not fear compromises or temporary companionship with non-socialistic parties. They do not want to restrict their activity to participation in elections, but also seek to influence the people in an educational way, especially by furthering the cooperative work." Vahlteich notes that programs change over time and cites the example of the unification of the German movement at Gotha in 1875 as a model for the American socialist movement to emulate. Though Marx is called right in his criticism of specifics of the program, the German movement was still more right to unite on the basis of that program -- "never since 1875 have the German socialists given to the world the disgraceful spectacle of political disruption in the fight against the common foe," Vahlteich notes.

 

"The Socialist Party: Indianapolis Convention Effects Union of All Parties Represented in Response to Call of the Social Democratic Party: State Autonomy Guaranteed: Immediate Demands Adopted After Prolonged Debate -- Headquarters Located in St. Louis - The New Constitution." [events of July 29-Aug. 1, 1901] This is an extremely important document, the definitive newspaper account of the Joint Unity Convention which established the Socialist Party of America. Amalgamating were two main groups -- the "Chicago" Social Democratic Party of Victor Berger, the Debs Bros., Margaret Haile, and youngsters John Work and James Oneal; and the "Springfield (MA)" Social Democratic Party of Morris Hillquit, Henry Slobodin, James Carey, Max Hayes, William Mailly, and Job Harriman. Also joining the unification party were independent state socialist parties from Texas, Kansas, Iowa, Nebraska, and Kentucky. Chairman of the convention by acclamation was Christian Socialist George Herron -- a pro-unity independent figure married to neither post-SLP Kautskyianism or post-Populist Bernsteinism. This lengthy document (9 pages) includes a sketch of daily happenings, committee assignments, text of various resolutions, the full text of the SPA's platform and constitution, and a complete list of delegates. Published in the (now Milwaukee) Social Democratic Herald and thus indicative of the Berger SDP's perspective, rather than that of the Hillquit group. Includes copious footnotes. An indispensable resource for those interested in the history of 20th Century American Socialism -- print and save.

 

"Convention at Indianapolis: Delegates Execute the Mandate of the Rank and File and Secure a United Socialist Party -- Synopsis of the Proceedings -- Selection of Committees -- "Immediate Demands" -- Platform, Constitution, and Resolutions -- Name "Socialist Party" Adopted - St. Louis Selected as Seat of National Committee with Greenbaum as National Secretary -- Harmony Marks the Entire Proceedings..." by A.M. Simons [events of July 29-Aug. 1, 1901] Algie Simons, former member of the SLP, editor of the Chicago Workers' Call and International Socialist Review, was one of the leading figures of the Left Wing at the founding convention of the Socialist Party of America in 1901 -- an advocate of the abolition of all "Immediate Demands" from the party platform. This is his account of the convention, which he characterized as enormously successful and the turning point from which "a new era had arisen in the history of socialism." Simons provides a day-by-day account of events and lists the two biggest topics of debate as the question of "Immediate Demands" (the inclusion of which was decided by a vote of 5,358 to 1,325 proxies) and the matter of "State Autonomy" (as opposed to a centralized party) decided in favor of autonomous state organizations and a weak national office, though Simons provides no detail on this debate. A resonant quotation appears in Simons' concluding remarks, when he says: "the spirit of stupid intolerance has been largely eradicated, while not an atom of the revolutionary position has been abandoned. Disruption, based upon personalities and misunderstandings which accumulate in intensity as opponents obstinately resolve not to understand or make reasonable allowances for each other's position, differences on minor details of tactics, we may assert with tolerable assurance, will never again be permitted to occur.... Disruption can only come in the future when fundamental principles are threatened. In such cases it seems unavoidable, and on the whole perhaps it is best that this should be so. If there is any tendency in the future which will bring fundamental differences of principle into the Socialist ranks...then internal struggles will break forth anew despite our efforts; but if not, it devolves upon us entirely to see that minor questions and disputes and misunderstandings are not permitted to produce an effect that can only be reasonably caused by divergence on essential principles."

 

"Constitution of the Socialist Party of America: Adopted by the Socialist Unity Convention, Indianapolis, IN -- July 29 to Aug. 1, 1901." Basic document of party law of the newly established Socialist Party of America. The initial SPA Constitution provided for "state autonomy" -- an extremely weak central organization, funded by 5 cent contributions per member per month by the various state organizations. It was the state organizations which were to retain "sole jurisdiction of the members residing within their respective territories, and the sole control of all matters pertaining to the propaganda, organization, and financial affairs within such state or territory, and the National Executive Committee and sub-committees or officers thereof shall have no right to interfere in such matters without the consent of the respective state or territorial organizations." Authority between conventions was vested in a governing National Committee of the party, consisting of one elected Committeeman from each state, plus five additional members from the headquarters city named as a "Local Quorum" to act in an executive capacity. The National Committee was to meet regularly no more than once each year. It was given the power to select the National Secretary and the Local Quorum, but the constitution expressly stated that it "shall neither publish nor designate any official organ." The result was a federation of largely autonomous state organizations, each of which "may organize in such way or manner, and under such rules and regulations, as it may determine, but not in conflict with the provisions of this constitution."

 

"Letter to State, Territorial, and Local Organizations of the Socialist Party of America, August 10, 1901," by Leon Greenbaum Initial communication to the members of the newly established Socialist Party from first Executive Secretary of the organization, Leon Greenbaum. Greenbaum announces that he and the provisional St. Louis Local Quorum are officially ready for action, with the first task at hand designing new charters for Locals of the organization, to be obtained through exchange for the charters in hand of the old constituent parties of the organization. The National Committee is to be funded by a 5 cent per member per month assessment, to be paid by state organizations and the locals themselves in unorganized states and territories. "The amount and character of the work performed by your National Committee depends in a great measure on the promptness with which said committee is supplied with funds," he reminds the party members.

"Minutes of the State Executive Committee, Socialist Party of New York, Meeting of March 26, 1919." These minutes are most important for what is not included -- nary a word on the Left Wing Section or any hint the split which was to rupture the New York organization in a matter of months. Sitting on the outgoing SEC was Alexander Trachtenberg, later one of the principles of the CP-affiliated International Publishers. A list of nominees for the 9 member SEC appears; included, among the long list, a number of future Left Wing luminaries: Joseph Brodsky, Louis Boudin, Benjamin Gitlow, Ludwig Lore, Scott Nearing, Albert Pauly, and Alexander Trachtenberg. Majority control of the new SEC remained in the hands of the SP Regulars, however, with drastic consequences for the Left Wing movement in the state.

 

"A Reply to Algernon Lee: Letter to the Editor of the New York Call," by Moses Oppenheimer [April 3, 1919] Veteran Socialist Moses Oppenheimer responds to Algernon Lee's critique of the "Basis for Discussion" Letter to the New York Call, of which Oppenheimer was a signatory. He declares that "under the opportunist leadership of men like Hillquit, Berger, Ghent, and Robert Hunter, the struggle for [ameliorative] reforms has gradually overshadowed and supplanted the demand for the abolition of wage slavery. More and more it has resulted in petty tactics for vote catching. Berger's Old Age Pension bill was a glaring exhibit of opportunist incapacity." Oppenheimer argues that the worship of the ballot by the SP "opportunists" ignores the fact that half of the working class in America is disfranchised through lack of citizenship. "This lame policy of the opportunists follows logically from their desire to be considered safe and sane and respectable," Oppenheimer declares, adding "The old roar of opportunism led us nowhere, except to barren failure.... The time for picayune politics is irrevocably gone."

 

"Socialist Party Tactics and Policies: A Speech at Hunt's Point Palace, Bronx, NY -- April 4, 1919," by Louis Waldman New York Assemblyman Louis Waldman, a staunch adherent of the SP Regular faction, shared a platform in the Bronx with Left Winger Benjamin Gitlow at a meeting called to moot the factional controversy in the party. A stenographer was present to preserve these speeches -- Waldman's later being reprinted a month later in the factional newspaper the New York Socialist, edited by David Berenberg. Waldman presents a well-ordered summary of the Party Regulars' view of the controversy. Waldman denies he is a "Right Winger," adding "To my knowledge there is no such thing. I am aware of the fact that there is a group who organized and call themselves the 'Left Wing.' There is the Socialist Party and this so-called 'Left Wing.'" He ironically asks of his factional opponents: "You say the Socialist Party did not captivate the imagination of the workers because it was not revolutionary enough. Very well; what was the remedy? If we are weak because we have not been revolutionary enough, why is it that the SLP, claiming to be the 100% revolutionary article, has not only failed to captivate the imagination of the working class, but has gone down to ruin?" Waldman adds only 3 million of 18 million industrial wage-workers are unionized and asks "if the only reason the some 15 million workers are not organized is because the AF of L is not revolutionary, what about the Industrial Workers of the World? Why has it not crystallized this industrial revolutionary movement? The IWW had since 1905 to do it. Heaven knows they were not short on revolutionary phrases, if that is what the American working class wants." Waldman states that there is no revolution in sight and that only by fighting for immediate demands to correct the most grievous deficiencies of capitalism can the workers be won to the socialist movement. "I want to tell you cynical comrades we live in a time when we have not got the courage to face reality and our own convictions. We live in a time when we are afraid to listen to the truth. We deliver revolutionary speeches in a time when we cannot train ourselves in revolutionary action.... That is what the party is suffering from." He advises that "if our platform is not revolutionary enough, if our resolutions are not revolutionary enough, the thing to do is not to destroy the party, but to change them, as party members, within the party, and not as an outside organization foisting its will on the party."

 

"Socialist Party Convention," by Emma Denney [events of Aug. 30-Sept. 5, 1919] This is a unique first-hand account of the pivotal 1919 Emergency National Convention of the Socialist Party, published in the pages of the official organ of the rival Socialist Labor Party. This account does not seem to have been known by Theodore Draper and it advances out understanding of the most eventful week in the history of American Socialism on the following matters: (1) Denney seems to indicate that the Chicago police responded to the scuffle between John Reed and Julius Gerber and were thereafter spontaneously used for their own ends by the Party Regular leadership, rather than through prearrangement. (2) The meeting hall was very large and included, in addition to the 200 or so delegates and potential delegates, spectators and press bringing the total to approximately 1,000. (3) Bits of flavor about the actual proceedings (which were not saved for posterity by a stenographer), including a heckling call by the Left Wing delegates for the election of the Chicago Chief of Police as Chairman of the day. (4) A protracted struggle on the floor over the presence of the police, in which the SP Regular leadership, headed by Chairman of the day Seymour Stedman, defeated all efforts to remove or formally protest the police presence. (5) The only first-hand account of the work of the Credentials Committee in its interrogation of challenged Left Wing delegates, in which Chairman Jacob Panken is said to have queried about personal information and hypothetical convention situations, during which some Left Wing challenged delegates are said to have responded to the committee's politically-driven obstructionism and badgering in an aggressive manner. (6) Prolonged discussion over the matter of setting aside the SPA constitution and electing the new NEC by the convention, despite lack of legal authority to do so. Denney also visited the conventions of the Communist Labor Party and the Communist Party of America taking place at the same time, but does not contribute appreciably to our understanding of either with her brief account.

"4,500 Arrested in Nationwide Drive; Roundup Continues." [Jan. 3, 1920] This unsigned news report from the front page of the Milwaukee Leader provides a first account of the Palmer Raids, launched on the night of Jan. 2/3, 1920. The report indicated that the Department of Justice had compiled a list of nearly 60,000 names of alleged radicals in preparation for the raids, and that several thousand warrants had been issued in advance of the operation. At 9 pm on the night of Jan. 2, coordinated raids were "almost simultaneously" launched in a number of leading industrial centers, including Boston, New York, Baltimore, Cleveland, Denver, St. Paul, Philadelphia, Chicago, Oakland, and Detroit. Photos and fingerprints were expected to be taken and the Department of Labor was gearing up for anticipated mass deportations, the article indicates.

"'Raids on Radicals Blow to Freedom of United States': Statement of the Publicity Department of the Socialist Party of America, Jan. 3, 1920." At 9 pm on the night of January 2/3, 1920, Attorney General Mitchell Palmer and the US Department of Justice, working with an array of law enforcement authorities, launched a coordinated sweep of radicals, focusing on known members of the Communist Party of America, Communist Labor Party, and Industrial Workers of the World. Thousands of warrants were issued and 4500 alleged radicals were quickly arrested in the dragnet. On Jan. 3, 1920, the Publicity Department of the Socialist Party issued this statement condemning these raids, calling them "gravest blow yet struck at the permanence of American institutions," and noting that if they are continued, "this policy will place the United States in the forefront of the reactionary nations of the present day." The statement notes that "Between the Socialist Party and the two Communist Parties there is at present a controversy in the matter of tactics and program; between the Socialist Party and the Industrial Workers of the World there has frequently been bad blood and controversy." However, "when the constitutional rights of Americas are assailed, all differences are forgotten, and the injury to the one group becomes an injury to all." The DoJ's reactionary repression only fueled the cause of those who argued the falsity of democracy under capitalism, the statement indicates: "The Socialist Party holds that the best way to give ammunition to that school of thought, the best arguments to give these anti-political radicals, the best possible material for the growth of the direct action sentiment is to continue this persecution. In this grave hour, there is but one policy that leads to safety; the utmost freedom of speech, of thought, and of conscience."

 

"How Did You Vote?" -- Statement of the Milwaukee Leader, Jan. 3, 1920. The Palmer Raids of Jan. 2-3, 1920, were a veritable Pearl Harbor attack on the American Left and caused a frantic reaction in all quarters, as this front page missive from Victor Berger's Milwaukee Leader demonstrates. The effect of the large, bold italic type of the original is recreated here. "Every union working man in the United States who thinks honestly, prepare to be arrested! Get ready to go to jail! The White Terror has begun! YOU are on the list of Mitchell Palmer, who seeks to kill ideas by smashing them! The struggle is on in all its filthy aspect!" the front page statement screams. "The blow falls first on the Communists! Next it will be the Socialists! Then the workers who believe in their union cards! There is no escape! The infamous gang that has stolen possession of the finest land God ever created has so decreed." Far from heading for underground, the conclusion remains true to the Socialist Party's parliamentarist ideology: "These agents of Big Business who are pulling off these raids are Republicans and Democrats. Don't forget that. And remember there is still the ballot box."

 

"Hands Off Russian Republic: Statement of the National Executive Committee of the Socialist Party of America, Jan. 5, 1920." One can probably list 10 reasons for the 1919 split of the Socialist Party into rival Social Democratic and Communist organizations. NOT on this list is the perspective of either tendency towards Soviet Russia. ALL wings of the 1919 Socialist Party of America completely supported the Bolshevik Revolution, as this January 1920 "Hands Off Soviet Russia" declaration of the SPA's governing National Executive Committee demonstrates. It says of the Bolshevik Revolution: "Begun in November 1917, it has, during the past two years, taken deep root among the workers and peasants of Russia, who, through their soviets, have been forging a state based upon industrial democracy. All plots to undermine the trust of the Russian workers and peasants in their chosen leaders and attempts to overthrow the Soviet government by means of a counterrevolution have hopelessly failed because the system of government which the revolutionary workers and peasants have established is of their own creation and controlled by them.... The Soviet government is now stronger than ever. The Soviet army has defeated the armies of the counterrevolutionary bourgeoisie, and Kolchak, Yudenich, Denikin, and the other tsarist leaders of hired military bands have been almost completely annihilated.... This was made possible because the Russian workers and peasants were united in their determination to defend their Socialist fatherland from foreign invasion and counterrevolution, and also because the organized Socialist and labor movements of the world have come to the aid of the Russian workers' republic, and have served notice upon their governments that they will not permit the sacrifice of the Soviet Republic on the altar of world imperialism." Etc.

 

"Nuorteva Says Spies Helped to Frame Program of Communists." [Jan. 7, 1920] This short news brief from the front page of the Milwaukee Leader announces that (1) the Department of Justice had issued a warrant for the arrest for deportation of Ludwig C.A.K. Martens, head of the Russian Soviet Government Bureau in New York; (2) Santeri Nuorteva, secretary to Martens, announced agents of the Department of Justice had actively participated in the formulation of Communist Party platform planks, "which now form the basis of the persecution of thousands of people." Nuorteva also asserted that "we can prove that the chief figures in such celebrated bomb plots were agents of a similar nature" and that the Russian Soviet Government Bureau "would welcome an opportunity to make good these assertions before the proposed Senate investigating committee." Nuorteva also promised to prove the squandering of funds loaned by the American government to the pre-Bolshevik government of Russia "on abominable plots and intrigues."

 

"Let the Facts Come Out. An Editorial from the Milwaukee Leader, Jan. 8, 1920." This Milwaukee Leader editorial, probably written by John Work, supports the general theory advanced by Santeri Nuorteva on Jan. 7, 1920, that agents of the Department of Justice had participated in the fabrication of Communist Party planks which were then applied against radicals across America during the Palmer Raids. The editorialist urges a hearing for Nuorteva and Martens and notes the Leader "knows the wiles of capitalists and old party officials too well not to have suspected these very activities that are now charged by Nuorteva. In fact, we expressed our suspicion that the bomb plots were concocted for the purpose of creating an excuse to prosecute radicals -- also that there were spies helping to promote the plan to wreck the Socialist Party last spring and summer. We did not have tangible evidence that any particular Left Winger was a spy. But, the suddenness with which the fight was sprung and the terrific campaign of lies that was waged against the Socialist Party indicated that there was a malevolent desire to ruin the usefulness of the party altogether..." There is a definite similarity in the world view of the veteran of the Socialist Party, Nuorteva, and the veteran of the Socialist Party who wrote the editorial -- that American Ultra-Leftism was in measure a machination of the Justice Department intended to destroy American radicalism.

 

"The Moscow Trial: Its Meaning and Importance," by Joseph Starobin [April 1938] With the executions of Bukharin and his purported cohorts completed in the 3rd and most sensational of the 3 great show trials of the 1936-38 period, the CPUSA had a serious "educational opportunity" on its hands, as "there are many people who do not yet understand even the elementary facts about the trials. Some of these are liberals, who try hard to find new ways to maintain their persistent misunderstanding of the nature of the Soviet Union. And numbers of people, with whom we cooperate on many domestic issues, are still troubled." Starobin outlines the rationale for the trial in this April 1938 article from the monthly magazine of the Young Communist League. The trial shattered the "elaborate baloney" about torture, Starobin states as "the Bukharin-Trotsky conspirators had the full right to defend themselves." Second, Starobin writes, all the defendants had long-running programmatic differences with the Russian Communist Party; third, "Personal vanity, individual corruption, ambition, self-delusion, all played a part in motivating the conspiracy." But in the final analysis, he states, the defendants sold out the revolution because of their "opposition to the construction of Socialism." By eliminating this internal threat, the "agents of corruption and treachery," Starobin writes that "the trials have struck a blow for world peace." Parallels to American treason trials from the new pamphlet by Earl Browder are emphasized. Starobin concludes in the spirit of the day, "Of course, we are not idealists, and are working for Socialism, with and through, the human material at our disposal. In the struggle against actual and potential corruption within our own ranks, it is necessary to pay attention to personal habits and morals throughout the movement. We should begin today to build that new morality, that generous, intelligent, modest, new human being, that new humanity which we know will emerge with the destruction of capitalism and the birth of a Socialist world." Includes two pieces of stellar anti-Trotsky artwork and a contemporary photograph of Young Communist Review editor Joe Starobin.

 

CLICK THE LOGO AT THE TOP OF THE PAGE TO GO TO THE EARLY AMERICAN MARXISM WEBSITE.