"Life of Eugene V. Debs, Grand Secretary and Treasurer." [September 1888] A rare early (pre-ARU) biography of Eugene Debs, reprinted from the 1888 convention book of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen. Very good detail of the major timeline of Debs' activity within the BLF -- initiated into the Brotherhood on February 27, 1874, having served about 3 years as a fireman in an engine on the Vandalia Railroad. Despite leaving the employ of the railroad for work as a clerk, Debs remained active in the Brotherhood, attending the 1877 and 1878 conventions as a delegate. In 1878 Debs was made assistant editor of the BLF's monthly magazine, in June 1880 he was appointed Secretary-Treasurer of the organization, and at the Sept. 1881 convention he was elected editor of the Locomotive Firemen's Magazine. Debs was elected to the Indiana legislature in 1884 for a term beginning in 1885, the history indicates, adding that "his duties as a Legislator did not interfere with his duties to the Brotherhood, either as Grand Secretary or Treasurer or as the editor of the magazine." Based on his popularity and success as a Democratic legislator, some had sought to run Debs as a candidate for Congress, "but his fealty to the great Brotherhood triumphed over the solicitations of political friends and every ambition for political distinction, and held him fast to the fortunes of the Brotherhood, in which by unwavering devotion and ceaseless labors for 8 years he had earned the confidence of the membership and flattering prominence," the history states. Includes etching of young Debs with hair.

 

"The Common Laborer," by Eugene V. Debs [April 1890] Early unsigned article attributed to Debs from the magazine of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen. Debs states that so-called "unskilled workers" -- among whom are numbered the Locomotive firemen -- are an important and underappreciated component of the great industrial enterprises of the world. The American ideal is for a comfortable home with adequate food, clothing, and opportunity for leisure, Debs states, and "when wages fall below securing such requirements the American idea is to organize for the purpose of obtaining them. It is clear, therefore, that the American idea is the betterment of the American workingman regardless of trade." Craft unions have failed to stand up for the basic needs of the so-called common laborer, however, Debs indicates. "In the organization of the Knights of Labor the common or the unskilled laborer finds a home, a retreat where he can do that for himself which the skilled laborer does for himself in his organization.... The work in which the Knights of Labor are engaged is a noble one, and all friends of the toiling masses will rejoice to see the organization achieve success."

 

"What Can We Do for Working People?" by Eugene V. Debs [April 1890] Early unsigned article attributed to Debs from the magazine of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen. Debs likens the "labor market" to the market for slaves in days past. Whereas the solution to chattel slavery was clear, the prescription for the new condition had escaped many. Neither philanthropy nor instructing the working class on the spartan living held the key to the wretched state of the working class, Debs argued, calling such paternalism "disgusting and degrading to the last degree." Rather, the key lay in the united action of the majority working class themselves: "Workingmen can organize. Workingmen can combine, federate, unify, cooperate, harmonize, act in concert. This done, workingmen could control governmental affairs. They could elect honest men to office. They could make wise constitutions, enact just laws, and repeal vicious laws. By acting together they could overthrow monopolies and trusts. They could squeeze the water out of stocks, and decree that dividends shall be declared only upon cash investments. They could make the cornering of food products of the country a crime, and send the scoundrels guilty of the crime to the penitentiary. Such things are not vagaries. They are not Utopian dreams."

 

"Agitation and Agitators," by Eugene V. Debs [August 1890] Early unsigned article by Debs from the pages of The Locomotive Firemen's Magazine. Brushing aside attacks on so-called "labor agitators," Debs observes that "all explorers, pathfinders, in religion, morals, science, government, geography, in any and every department of human affairs, are agitators. They are seldom or never popular in the beginning of their labors. Their fate, as a rule, is to suffer derision, contumely, neglect, and poverty, often penalties still more severe; the exception only vindicates the rule." The mission of the "labor agitator," he says, "is first to persuade workingmen to organize - to get together for the purpose of the interchange of ideas relating to their pecuniary warfare.... Without organization the so-called 'labor market' is established as it was in the days of chattel slavery, when there were slave auction blocks and slave pens, and labor was a 'commodity.'" Despite the efforts of the "monopolistic, subsidized press" to "inoculate" the public mind with the false ideas of the luxuriant-living, "the scepter is falling from the hands of labor autocrats. From the untold millions of wealth which labor creates the time is coming when a just distribution will be ordered."

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"Powderly and Gompers," by Eugene V. Debs [August 1890] Early unsigned article by Debs from the pages of The Locomotive Firemen's Magazine. Gene Debs weighs in on the bitter feud between the Knights of Labor, headed by Terence Powderly, and the American Federation of Labor, headed by Samuel Gompers. While both are "men of ability and acknowledged leaders," Debs notes, "the demand of the times is to harmonize and unify workingmen, but the fight between Messrs. Powderly and Gompers will not have that effect. It will breed discord, asperities, and enmities. Two great labor organizations at war will be accepted by the foes of labor as proof positive that workingmen cannot pull together." Debs encourages the two organizations to "get together and adjust their difficulties, since the continuance of the internecine conflict cannot possibly benefit anyone except those who pray ceaselessly for the overthrow of organized labor."

 

"A Short Speech Amongst Friends: Girard, Kansas -- May 21, 1908," by Eugene V. Debs After the conclusion of the 1908 Socialist Party convention in Chicago, a number of prominent Socialists made their way to southeastern Kansas to tour the new facilities of The Appeal to Reason. A cake and ice cream banquet was arranged bringing together leading Girard Socialists with their out of town guests, including the party's recently renominated Presidential standard bearer, Gene Debs. An Appeal to Reason stenographer was present to record the evening for posterity, the proceedings published as a small circulation souvenir pamphlet. This is the full transcript of Debs' remarks to the gathering. Debs likens the former hostility and later acceptance of anti-slavery forces among the people of Kansas to the current warming of popular temperament towards Socialism and Socialists. He also likens the fellowship of assembled Socialists to the human relations that will be evident in the Socialist society of the future: "We may not live to see the full fruition of our work, nor does it matter; so insidiously can a man feel Socialism, so completely consecrated can he be to the Cause of Socialism that he lives within the realization of it, even now." As is often the case with Debs, quasi-religious sentiment abounds: "Looking into your faces and catching your spirit I feel myself rising to exaltation. Socialism to us is something more than a mere conviction. It courses in our veins; it throbs in our hearts; it fires and sanctifies our souls; and it consecrates us to the service of humanity."

 

"Socialist Party Protests Allied Invasion of Russia: Resolution of the National Executive Committee, Aug. 1918." Still more evidence that whatever the issues were behind the Socialist Party's 1919 factional war, position of the organization towards the Bolshevik Revolution was not one of them -- all factions of the SPA earnestly supported the Bolsheviki and their fledgling state without reservation in the years 1917-1919. "Since the French Revolution established a new high mark of political liberty in the world, there has been no other advance in democratic progress and social justice comparable to the Russian Revolution," the NEC declares. The use of Czechoslovak troops in Russia as a counterrevolutionary force and their advocacy of an invasion from the east is denounced as "utterly incompatible with any principle of democratic or international decency." The NEC urged "all true believers in democracy in the United States to join with us in urging our government to recognize the Russian Soviet Republic," which "In spite of the hostility of the most powerful forces, it has endured for 10 months, successfully performing the great task of reconstructing the social and economic life of Russia. The Socialist Party of America declares itself in accord with revolutionary Russia and urges our government and our people to cooperate with it and to assist it to the end that democratic forces of the world may be victorious and autocracy and imperialism banished forever."

 

"Socialism, Revolution, & Civilization," by Victor L. Berger [Aug. 19, 1918] Milwaukee, Wisconsin Socialist leader Victor Berger editorializes on the need for socialism and its relationship to revolution in the turbulent European world. Berger sees an increasing division of every country into "two nations": "One nation will be very large in number, but semi-civilized, half-fed, half-educated, and degenerated from overwork and misery; the other nation will be very small in number, but over-civilized, overfed, over-cultured, and degenerated from too much leisure and too much luxury." Unless something is done to bring capital under society's ownership and control, the day approaches when "there will be a volcanic eruption. The hungry millions will turn against the overfed few. A fearful retribution will be enacted on the capitalist class as a class -- and the innocent will suffer with the guilty." Berger notes that such a revolutionary upheaval will be "retrograde" and push society back towards barbarism. He sees a real threat of such a revolutionary upheaval in England, France, and Italy, and indicates that "there will undoubtedly be a revolution in Germany and Austria." He calls upon honest and practical men and thinking patriots to shortcircuit this drift towards a revolutionary bloodbath by working for the socialization of productive capital.

 

"The National Emergency Convention Through Yipsel Eyes," by William F. Kruse [September 1919] Participant's report of the Socialist Party's 1919 Emergency National Convention in Chicago by the former National Secretary of the Young People's Socialist League. Kruse, elected by the Socialist Party of Illinois as a delegate to the convention, relates the story of the SPA gathering in Machinist's Hall through the prism of his former organization. He indicates that he and other friends of the YPSL were able to persuade the Constitution Committee and then the convention itself to liberate the YPSL from formal Party control by deleting constitutional provisions that the YPSL "shall be under the control and direction of the Executive Committee of the Socialist Party," in favor of language establishing a "Director of Propaganda and Education among the young" who "shall organize and cooperate with the existing Young People's Socialist Organization for the extension of propaganda and education among the young people." In this way it was hoped that the YPSL might be able to steer its way clear of the factional war that was decimating and disorganizing the adult socialist movement. Kruse also makes mention of the "Minority Report" on international affiliation that he put forward with Louis Engdahl. He emphasizes the commonality between Majority and Minority perspectives: "All agreed that the Second International was dead. All repudiated absolutely the Berne Conference. All agreed that the new International would have to be organized upon the definite and rigid basis of the class struggle. All repudiated the social patriots who had stood by their warlords in time of test and struggle. All agreed that those who entered coalition governments with the bourgeoisie could not sit in the International. The distinction came on the point of whether the Third International should come into being through the call issued by the Communist Party at Moscow, or upon some subsequent call...coming from some other source among the revolutionary socialist parties of Europe."

 

"An Open Letter to All Yipsels," by William F. Kruse [late September 1919] This open letter, sent out by former YPSL National Secretary Bill Kruse to all of the organizations state organizations and circles, provides important details about the history of the organization in the turbulent months around the Socialist Party split in the summer of 1919. As the Aug. 30 Emergency National Convention of the SPA approached, YPSL National Secretary Oliver Carlson polled the state and local YPSL organizations as to their intentions should the Socialist Party split. A clear consensus indicated that the YPSL should attempt to steer a middle course through organizational independence. When this split became a reality at the end of August 1919, Carlson unilaterally removed himself from the National Office, instead having the Post Office transfer mail service to his home, from which he attempted to establish de facto YPSL headquarters. This arrangement proved unsatisfactory to the Socialist Party which was paying his weekly salary -- mail stacked up and went unanswered, the Young Socialists' Magazine began to become irregular, and Carlson's long unexplained absences caused the SP's NEC to first suspend his paychecks and then terminate his employment by the party altogether. Bill Kruse was convinced to take over the National Office's "Young People's Department" and resume editorship of the YSM -- although Kruse was careful to explain in this open letter that he made no claims to be the National Secretary of the organization. "The Socialist Party regrets exceedingly to part company with its younger comrades at this time, but feels that the Yipsels know best what will help maintain the integrity of their organization. If by this step the young comrades can avoid the fratricidal strife that has torn the older movement, the Party will put no obstacles in the way of such a step," Kruse states.

 

"Report of the Commissioner General of Immigration -- June 30, 1920." [excerpts] by A. Caminetti This annual report of the head of the US Department of Labor's Bureau of Immigration provides an official government account of the tumultuous events of FY1919-20, including two campaigns of mass arrests (1) Union of Russian Workers -- 600 warrants issued from Nov. 5, 1919; (2) "Palmer Raids" -- about 5,000 warrants issued and 3,000 served from Dec. 29, 1919. These mass police operations against radical aliens for alleged violation of the Immigration Act of Oct. 1918 stand in addition to state operations against the native-born, it should be noted. From these dragnets came the deportation of 556 aliens in the fiscal year, with 2,202 warrants canceled and an addition 591 warrants remaining in effect for individuals at large. The biggest single deportation operation of these individuals came with the December 21, 1919 embarkment of the USS Buford at New York, whose detainees included 199 members of the Union of Russian Workers, 43 other radical aliens being deported to Soviet Russia, and 7 Russian aliens being deported for other reasons, for a total of 249 individuals. These deportees included "the notorious Emma Goldman and Alexander Berkman," the report noted. Further deportations to Soviet Russia were impeded by the fact that the United States did not recognize that government, which instead of welcoming political deportees and now turned a cold shoulder to the effort. Further confusing matters, membership in the CPA had been ruled to be sufficient grounds for deportation (Jan. 25, 1920) but membership in the rival CLP had been ruled insufficient (May 5, 1920), resulting in the dismissal of deportation charges against about 300 CLP members. Includes details about the Immigration Service, depicted as undersized and underfunded for its task, and an illuminating series tallying Jewish, Polish, Lithuanian, Finnish, and Great Russian immigrants for the years 1910-1914.

 

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