"Answers to Questions," by Steven Ross ["Charles Wallace"/"Stepan"] [Oct. 13, 1921]. A conference between Lenin and the members of the American delegates to the 3rd Congress of the Comintern and the Profintern late in the summer of 1921 was a matter of heated debate, pitting Max Bedacht (ex-UCP), who contended that Lenin issued an instruction for the CPA to immediately establish a Legal Political Party in America against Seven Ross ["Charles Wallace"] (ex-old CPA), who contended that Lenin said no such thing. This is Ross' reply to a questionnaire issued by the CEC entitled "Questions to International Delegates," attempting to rectify the discrepancy in the testimony between Bedacht and Ross.

 

"Keysquare for '1921 Money Order Code' used by the unified Communist Party of America, Nov. 1921-Feb. 1922," Cryptanalysis by John K. Taber and Tim Davenport. The United Communist Party in 1920-21 and its successor, the unified Communist Party of America in 1921-22, used a simple single letter replacement code appearing on the page as fractions. By way of example, a "D" might have been written as "3/21" -- corresponding to the letter located at keysquare coordinates line 3 and column 21. A series of no fewer than four "keysquares" for coding and decoding were used during the period. This is a substantially solved keysquare that was used by the "majority" CPA at the tail end of 1921 and early in 1922 to make its messages to and from Moscow harder to comprehend if intercepted by the Bureau of Investigation's General Intelligence Division or the Army's Military Intelligence Department. The original source of the keysquare appears to have been the fine print of a money order form, beginning "WHEN PAYABLE IN BOLIVIA, CHILE, COSTA RICA, DENMARK, FRANCE, GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND, HONDURAS..."

 

"Report of the Communist Party of America to the Executive Committee of the Communist International," by L.E. Katterfeld [December 1921]. A lengthy and detailed report on the situation facing the communist movement in the United States. Katterfeld notes that "it is necessary to build a machinery that can make the fullest use of all legal possibilities" and unveils the forthcoming Workers Party of America -- which sprung from the American Labor Alliance. This turn brought about a "new alignment in the Central Executive Committee," Katterfeld states, including the resignation of Executive Secretary Charles Dirba and an organized campaign to withhold dues from the central party organization. "The overwhelming majority of the membership, comprising all of the former United Communist Party and over half of the former Communist Party, are cooperating fully" with the plans of the CEC, Katterfeld declares. Katterfeld reports on the political campaign of the party in New York municipal elections, the work of the Friends of Soviet Russia in raising funds for famine relief, Party finances and membership, and the work of the Party press and in the trade union movement. An interesting esoteric point is Katterfeld's remark that the "very critical" financial situation of the CPA "was made acute through the expense for holding 10 different national Language Federation conventions, to which the Party HAD to agree as one of the conditions for achieving unity... Those language conferences cost about $15,000." Katterfeld makes an inflated claim of CPA membership of "between 12,000 and 13,000" -- as opposed to actual statistics showing an average paid membership of 8,588 for the five months BEFORE the Central Caucus split.

 

"Letter to Ludwig Katterfeld in Moscow from Executive Secretary Will Weinstone in New York, Feb. 2, 1922." Letter from the Executive Secretary of the CPA to the party's representative on the ECCI, Ludwig Katterfeld. Weinstone expresses his regret that the Workers Party of America Founding convention was held in December rather than postponed to February in accord with Comintern instructions. "Had we not held our [convention] then our new partners would have formed a [legal party] of their own," Weinstone states, adding that the financial drain associated with formation of the new WPA has been "very heavy." Weinstone states that the three leaders of the Central Caucus faction who left the CEC -- John Ballam, Charles Dirba, and George Ashkenuzi -- had been informed of the Comintern's decision on the faction fight. "They flatly refused to comply, decided to call themselves the real CP of A" and were even speaking of making a move on the Friends of Soviet Russia organization. Weinstone notes in code that George Ashkenuzi had been dispatched for Moscow to argue the group's case -- an event which is previously unreported in the historical literature. Weinstone notes the dire financial condition of the CPA, impacting particularly the publishing endeavors of the Yiddish-language federation and the ability to pay the salaries of District Organizers. He notes additionally the refusal of Louis Fraina to acknowledge Comintern instructions to surrender his funds to the CPA, but instead "we are informed that he has left for the Argentine."

 

"Apologizing for Liquidators," An unsigned article from the official organ of the "minority" CPA (Central Caucus faction). [April 1922]. This is the bitter reply of the Central Caucus/"minority" CPA to the February 1922 article by Robert Minor entitled "Decision by the Communist International." The Central Caucus attempts to depict itself as wearing the mantle of authenticity, calling the Central Executive Committee of the regular CEC "former," their organization "spurious," and their publication "fraudulent." The "majority" is said to have "demonstrated its total depravity when it deliberately lied to the Comintern about conditions in the United States." They are said to have misrepresented the potential following of the "pie-card artists and fakirs" of the Workers' Council with whom they were uniting in the new Workers Party of America. Katterfeld of the "majority" is said to have decieved the Comintern by misrepresenting the danger that delay in forming a new political organization would present. "That the [minority's] CP of A still exists is not due to the fact that any stone was left unturned by the liquidators to crush it, but solely to the fact that the genuine Communist membership could not be bamboozled or terrorized by unscrupulous centrist politicians masquerading as Communists," the article declares, adding that contrary to the "lies" of the "majority," the Comintern had not rendered its decision on American factional dispute.

 

"Resolutions and Decisions of the Second World Congress of the Red International of Labor Unions: Moscow -- November 1922." Lengthy set of resolutions passed by the 2nd Congress of the Profintern. The Congress saw world trade union strength in an ebb, which was depicted as "the beginning of a well thought out, well shaped, systematic attack of capitalism upon the essentials of the workers' attainments." A regroupment of forces within the old unions was taking place, with radical forces congealing. "The trade unions must transform themselves from organs of self-defense within the capitalist system into organs for the overthrow of the capitalist rule, and the establishment of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat," the Congress declared. In developing towards this end, the creation of Factory Committees was held to be the most important preliminary and most important weapon of the revolutionary class struggle." The revolutionary workers were told to "strive towards the United Front and towards the unification of the workers' unions." In the United States, the resolutions of RILU advocated "close cooperation" between the Trade Union Educational League and the "independent revolutionary unions" -- meaning, first and foremost the IWW. TUEL consequently "should strive to base its support upon a collective membership," including members from outside the old unions, as "it should be borne in mind that there is a great number of organized left wing workers outside the American Federation of Labor, and that the great majority of the American proletariat is outside any organization." Instead, "a position here exists of rival organizations, which declare their affiliation to the RILU, but which do not wish to unite among themselves." This circumstance, often arising out of some local or personal consideration, "cannot be tolerated," the RILU resolution warned. "A Council of Action should be fashioned for coordinating the work of the minorities in the American Federation of Labor, the IWW and the Independent unions."

 

"Constitution of the Red International of Labor Unions, as of 2nd World Congress -- Nov. 1922." Early constitution of RILU (also known as the Profintern), the American affiliate of which was the Trade Union Educational League. The constitution detailed the aims and purpose of the organization, which included "to organize the large working mass in the whole world for the overthrow of capitalism," as well as carrying on "agitation and propaganda of the principles of the revolutionary class struggle, social revolution, the dictatorship of the proletariat and revolutionary mass action for the purpose of overthrowing the capitalist system and the bourgeois state." The organization was to aim to unite the revolutionary workers around the world in a single coordinated organization. Membership in RILU was open to any revolutionary union endorsing the principles of revolutionary class struggle and "the necessity of the overthrow of capitalism through the social revolution and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat for the transition period." Organizations were also to recognize and submit to "international proletarian discipline," to break with the Amsterdam International, and to "realize unity of action" with the various Communist Parties." RILU was to be governed between Congresses by a Central Council meeting at least twice a year to decide questions of principle and a 15 member Executive Bureau to handle daily affairs. This latter body was statutorily to include 3 Russians and 1 American, along with others designated by nationality. Funding was to take place by means of sale of propaganda stamps -- independent left movements to send 5% of dues collected to RILU and affiliated national federations to send 1% of dues collected. The organization published an official organ in four languages, including French, German, Russian, and English.

 

Socialist Party/Social Democratic Federation dues card (1935-1937). *** PDF GRAPHICS FILE (475 k.) *** This is a very interesting item, a single Socialist Party dues card formerly belonging to Howard Rudner of 323 E. 200th St., Bronx, NY -- part of the Upper 8 Assembly District Bronx Branch. Rudner was admitted to the SPA on Feb. 27, 1935 and departed with the Old Guard in the 1936 party split. What makes this card so interesting are the use of four types of dues stamps on the single document -- (1) Regular SPA stamps from March 1935 through February 1936; (2) Stamps "Issued by Authority Socialist Party New York State" from March 1936 to June 1936; (3) Stamps of the "Social Democratic Federation of America" from July 1936 through March 1937; and (4) stamps of the "Social Democratic Federation USA" for April and May 1937. Since it is my belief that Rudner remained in the SDF after this date, this probably marks the date at which the SDF moved to issue party cards of its own. Incidentally, none of these four types are listed in Mark Warda's Political Campaign Stamps. (Iola, WI: Krause Publications, 1998).

 

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